Más de 50 millones de hispanos

'The Union', United States, New York, New York...

Image by WanderingtheWorld (www.LostManProject.com) via Flickr

Por: Cristina F. Pereda

Quedan tres décadas para que los blancos norteamericanos sean una minoría en Estados Unidos. Esa es la estimación del Censo, por ahora. Pero el organismo encargado de determinar la población cada diez años también estimaba un crecimiento menor de la comunidad hispana. Ysegún los datos publicados este juevesla comunidad hispana creció un 43 por ciento en la última década, pasando de 35 a 50.5 millones en 2010.

Son uno de cada seis norteamericanos -la población de Estados Unidos alcanzó los 308.7 millones también en 2010. Son 50.5 millones de hispanosque se identificaron con las casillas del cuestionario del censo que indican «hispano o latino», en referencia a personas de origen cubano, mexicano, puertorriqueño, latinoamericano o de otra cultura de origen español independientemente de su raza.

El censo también confirma así que más de la mitad del crecimiento de la población norteamericana estos diez años ha sido gracias a la contribución de los hispanos. Los últimos datos dibujan un mapa completo de lo que hasta ahora habíamos intuido a trozos.

Desde que se realizara el último censo en abril de 2010, hemos sabido que en estados como California, los hispanos ya son mayoría entre los menores de 18 años. En algunos condados la población latina es mayoría, liderando la tendencia que poco a poco se extiende por todo el país. La semana pasada la Oficina del Censo admitía que este grupo ha crecido «de forma inesperada«. Los hispanos han contribuído -gracias a niveles de natalidad más altos que el resto de la población- a que también aumenten las cifras totales de Estados Unidos.

El cambio tiene importantes consecuencias para el futuro del país. Son el grupo de población de mayor y más rápido crecimiento. Su poder adquisitivo y sus diferentes hábitos de consumo con respecto a otros grupos suponen un reto para empresas y anunciantes. Están cambiando el rostro de las escuelas de todo el país. El español crece con ellos.

Y a los políticos ya no les basta con hacer anuncios en español durante la campaña electoral. Cualquier candidato tiene que hacer malabares con los intereses de la comunidad hispana, el idioma y las características de un conjunto poblacional nada homogéneo y nada conformista. Desde hace dos años reclaman la promesa de Obama sobre la reforma migratoria. Una promesa incumplida que puede marcar diferencias en las elecciones de 2012. Como lo hizo la inmigración en 2010. Los hispanos ya deciden convocatorias electorales, como decidieron en Nevada, Florida o Nuevo México el pasado noviembre.

«Se trata de un grupo muy joven y que está creciendo por la natalidad, no por la inmigración. Se están extendiendo prácticamente por todos los condados del país, y crecen especialmente en estados donde los latinos no estaban presentes hace diez años», explicaba a la agencia Reuters la experta del Centro Pew de Investigación, D’Vera Cohn.

Ha sido esa migración interna la que ha sorprendido al censo. Los hispanos han contribuído al aumento de la población en 13 de los 16 estados del sur. Como contábamos en el estreno de este blog, el estado de Martin Luther King habla español. Los primeros datos del censo detallaban que en tres condados de Georgia -como después supimos sobre California- los blancos han cedido la mayoría a otras comunidades. Hace sólo 20 años el 88 por ciento de los menores eran blancos no hispanos. Ahora los latinos son mayoría.

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Latinos Fuel Growth in Decade

By SUDEEP REDDY

In a demographic shift touching every corner of the U.S., the Hispanic population grew faster than expected and accounted for more than half of the nation’s growth over the past decade, with the group’s increase driven by births and immigration.

Growing Diversity

See population and growth rates by race for every state.

The Census Bureau—in its first nationwide demographic tally from the 2010 headcount—said Thursday the U.S. Hispanic population surged 43%, rising to 50.5 million in 2010 from 35.3 million in 2000. Latinos now constitute 16% of the nation’s total population of 308.7 million.

The Census Bureau has estimated that the non-Hispanic white population would drop to 50.8% of the total population by 2040—then drop to 46.3% by 2050. This demographic transformation—Latinos now account for about one in four people under age 18—holds the potential to shift the political dynamics across the country.

«The Hispanic population is under-represented in the electorate and politically because of demographic factors,» including the high share under age 18 and the high number of immigrants, said Jeffrey Passel, a demographer at the Pew Hispanic Center. «Their presence in the electorate will increase over time.»

Nearly 92% of the nation’s population growth over the past decade—25.1 million people—came from minorities of all types, including those who identified themselves as mixed race. Nine million people, or 3%, reported more than one race.

In addition to the 16.3% of people who identified as Hispanic or Latino of any race, 63.7% identified as white; 12.2% identified as black; 4.7% as Asian; and 0.7% as American Indians or Alaska Natives. Other races made up the rest.

States in the South and West posted the sharpest growth rates during the decade, with the population of the West surpassing the Midwest for the first time. More than half the U.S. lived in the 10 most populous states, with about a quarter in the three largest states: California, Texas and New York.

The Census Bureau said the population continued shifting toward the South and West, which together accounted for 84% of the decade’s population growth. The nation’s center of population—the balancing point if all 308 million people weighed the same—moved about 25 miles south to just outside Plato, Mo. In 1790, the year of the first Census, the population center was near Chestertown, Md.

The Census data also showed blacks moving out of big cities in the North and into suburbs and the South, marking more black-white integration.

Two cities, New York and Washington, saw their black populations decline. The District of Columbia notched its first decennial population increase since the 1940s, rising to 601,700 despite an 11% drop in blacks. But the non-Hispanic black population in the nation’s capital was just 50% in 2010, as the non-Hispanic white population jumped almost a third to 209,000.

Orange County Register/Associated PressWorkers in California, a state where Latino population growth has risen.

CENSUS

CENSUS

New York City’s population inched up 2.1%, bringing the 2010 total to 8.2 million. The city’s non-Hispanic black population declined for the first time since 1860, according to William Frey, a demographer at the Brookings Institution. While not substantial, the 5.1 % decline is in line with other urban centers that posted declines, Mr. Frey said. New York City’s growth was fueled by increases in its Asian and Hispanic populations. The city’s white population fell slightly, by 2.8%.

«We’ve moved to an African-American population that, at least for a lot of young people, is becoming much more mainstream than 20 years ago in terms of where they want to live and how they see themselves in American life,» Mr. Frey said. «It’s affecting the way suburbs are growing. It’s changing the way the South is growing.»

The increasing racial diversity among U.S. children underscored a shift that is likely to make whites a minority in the early 2040s. Of the entire Hispanic population, children make up about one-third, compared with one-fifth among whites.

The total number of people under age 18 rose by nearly two million over the decade. But the number of white children fell, while the number of Hispanic children rose sharply. During the decade, Texas alone added 979,000 individuals under age 18, of which 931,000 were Hispanic.

«That can tell you as much as anything how important Hispanics are for the future of children in the United States,» Mr. Frey said. Of the states gaining people, «they owe it to Hispanics.»

(source) Wall Street Journal>> read more>>

Hispanic population exceeds 50 million, firmly nation’s No. 2 group

U.S. Census Bureau Regions, Partnership and Da...

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By Michael Martinez and David Ariosto, CNN
March 24, 2011 4:08 p.m. EDT

(CNN) — The growing Hispanic population in the United States has reached a new milestone, topping 50 million, or 16.3% of the nation, officially solidifying its position as the country’s second-largest group, U.S. Census Bureau officials said Thursday.

«Overall, we’ve learned that our nation’s population has become more racially and ethnically diverse over the past 10 years,» said Nicholas A. Jones, chief of the bureau’s racial statistics branch.

Several trends emerged from the 2010 census, according to Robert M. Groves, director of the Census Bureau, and Marc J. Perry, chief of the population distribution branch.

The country is growing at a smaller rate. Growth is concentrated in metropolitan areas and in the American West and South. The fastest-growing communities are suburbs such as Lincoln, California, outside Sacramento. And standard-bearer cities such as Boston, Baltimore and Milwaukee are no longer in the top 20 for population, replaced by upstarts such as El Paso, Texas, and Charlotte, North Carolina, the officials said.

The most significant trend, however, appeared to be the nation’s new count of 50.5 million Latinos, whose massive expansion accounted for more than half of the nation’s overall growth of 27.3 million people, to a new overall U.S. population of 308.7 million, officials said.

The Hispanic population grew 43% since 2000, officials said.

In stark contrast, all other populations together grew by only about 5%, officials said. The nation as a whole expanded by 9.7%.

Bureau officials declined Thursday to say how much illegal immigration has spurred growth among Latinos and other minorities, saying the sources of the growth are still being studied.

«Those are actually very excellent questions,» said Roberto Ramirez, chief of the bureau’s ethnicity and ancestry branch. «We are actually in the middle of the process of investigating that.»

D’Vera Cohn, a senior writer at the Pew Research Center in Washington, said the birth rate, rather than immigration, is the primary driving factor in the Latino boom.

Hispanics now account for nearly one-quarter of children under the age of 18, Cohn said.

«Hispanics are a younger population, and there are just more women of a child-bearing age,» she said.

Although immigration remains a major contributor to Hispanic population growth, the recent recession and high employment rates may have prompted a tapering off in the rate of foreign-born nationals seeking U.S. residence, analysts said.

Intensified border patrols may have reduced illegal immigration, but those measures «remain at the margins,» said William Frey, a demographer at The Brookings Institution.

He added that America’s overall undocumented immigrant population — estimated at between 10 million and 11 million people — may have even declined in recent years, though accurate numbers are difficult to acquire.

While the white population increased by 2.2 million to 196.8 million, its share of the total population dropped to 64% from 69%, officials said.

The Asian population also grew 43%, increasing from 10.2 million in 2000 to 14.7 million in 2010, officials said. Asians now account for about 5% of the nation’s population.

The African-American population, which grew by about 4.3 million, is now about 40 million, or 12.6% of the population, a slight increase over 12.3% in 2000, officials said.

Persons reporting «some other race» grew by 3.7 million, to 19 million, or 5.5% of the nation, figures show.

The vast majority of Americans, 97%, reported only one race, with whites as the largest group, accounting for about seven out of 10 Americans.

The remaining 3% of the population reported multiple races, and almost all of them listed exactly two races. White and black was the leading biracial combination, figures show.

«The face of the country is changing,» said Jeffrey Passel, demographer at the Pew Hispanic Center.

Demographic data had already been released for all states except New York and Maine and for the District of Columbia.

In fast-growing states where whites and blacks dominated past growth, Hispanics are now the greatest growth engine, Frey said.

The significance of the numbers to the United States is more than just an increase of an ethnicity. Research shows that along with the changing demographics, the country has become more diverse in other ways, Passel said. For instance, there is a substantial mixing of the American population through interracial marriage, he said.

Another change is the concentration of the growing populations.

Previously, the Hispanic population was concentrated in eight or nine states; it is now spread throughout the country, Passel said.

Meanwhile, most of the data released so far show decreases in the population of white children, Frey said.

Minorities will have a greater presence among future generations, he said. For example, in Nevada, 61% of children are minorities, compared with 41% of adults.

In border states like Texas, demographers say, Hispanic populations are expected to surpass non-Hispanic populations within the next decade.

«Without question, we are becoming a Hispanic state,» said Texas state demographer Lloyd Potter.

«I live in San Antonio, and there you see Spanish advertisements, television shows and newspapers everywhere,» he said.

source: read more>>

Revoluciones, nuevas tecnologías y el factor etario

Heridos en Egipto

Revoluciones, nuevas tecnologías y el factor etario

El común acuerdo en nuestros días es que la reciente revolución árabe se debe principalmente a las nuevas tecnologías. Sin embargo, revoluciones sociales han existido a lo largo de toda la Era Moderna (de hecho es uno de sus pilares fundamentales) mucho antes de Internet o las redes sociales.

Al igual que la imprenta de piezas móviles en el siglo XV o los periódicos en el siglo XVIII, las nuevas tecnologías de la información y de la difusión cultural han sido siempre factores de precipitación de un fenómeno, pero rara vez su primera causa. Por el contrario, la imprenta surge después de la maduración de la revolución humanista, iniciada un siglo antes. La reforma de Lutero (paradójicamente consecuencia de la revolución humanista y más tarde paradigma de los conservadores antihumanistas más radicales) y la no menos violenta contrarreforma, hicieron de casi todo el siglo XVI un siglo reaccionario en términos sociales.  Pero luego de este inmenso paréntesis reaccionario, en el siglo XVIII los ilustrados y los filósofos iluministas, fundadores de nuestro mundo moderno y posmoderno, retomaron el legado humanista, le pusieron un énfasis a la razón critica (aunque no al racionalismo) y agregaron el anticlericalismo que no estaba presente en los anteriores humanistas. Básicamente, los ilustrados o el iluminismo provocan una de las revoluciones más trascendentes de la historia mundial que tiene como consecuencia práctica y teórica la Revolución americana primero y la francesa después (aunque esta última sin continuidad política), modelos de las subsiguientes revoluciones políticas, sociales y hasta artísticas en todo el mundo.

La difusión de periódicos se hace común entre las clases educadas de Europa, sobre todo en la Francia del siglo XVIII, cuando estos filósofos ilustrados ya habían comenzado su propia revolución. Revolución que necesitaba de estos nuevos medios ya que, como todas las revoluciones modernas, estaba afectada por el mismo espíritu proselitista de cristianos y musulmanes.

Se acusa también que el nazismo se convirtió en un fenómeno social e histórico gracias a los nuevos medios de difusión, como la radio y el cine, y las nuevas teorías y prácticas de propaganda, lo cual es cierto pero insuficiente. Muchos otros países contaban con los mismos medios. Por otra parte, el nazismo tuvo sus raíces en décadas anteriores (los nazis cuentan milenios) y en razones que van mas allá de la mera innovación tecnológica y la necesidad histórica.

Los actuales levantamientos en el mundo árabe no son siquiera revoluciones. Son rebeliones. En algunos casos ni eso, apenas revueltas. Podemos aceptar que han sido estimuladas por los nuevos medios de comunicación, es cierto, pero no creo que éste sea el factor central. También podríamos especular que todo ha sido producto de una manipulación sociológica por parte de alguna central de inteligencia que tomó ventaja de las “inocentes” redes sociales, pero al menos en el momento no disponemos de datos suficientes.

Para comprender una revolución es necesario mirar a la historia previa de las ideas. Para comprender una rebelión basta con mirar la pirámide etaria y el grado de status quo del poder político y social de turno.

Las revoluciones latinoamericanas se caracterizaron, entre otras cosas, por su juventud. El mismo Ernesto Che Guevara observó un día, en la facultad de arquitectura, con la poca ortodoxia marxista que lo caracterizó los últimos años: “había olvidado yo que hay algo más importante que la clase social a la que pertenece el individuo: la juventud, la frescura de ideales, la cultura que en el momento en que se sale de la adolescencia se pone al servicio de los ideales más puros” (Obra, 1967, 194).

Al igual que las revueltas de fines de los ’60 en Europa y América, las revueltas árabes de hoy en día tienen un efecto dominó y se explican principalmente por el gran porcentaje de de su población juvenil. El Mayo francés, las revueltas de Praga y Tlatelolco, de Chicago y Nueva York son, sobre todo, revueltas juveniles. La proporción de jóvenes en América y en Europa era mayor en los ‘60 que poco después de la Segunda Guerra, que dejó poblaciones más envejecidas y estimuló el conformismo suburbano de los ‘50.

Uno podría pensar que aun un bajo porcentaje de jóvenes representan millones en cualquier país, y basta con unos miles para tener una revuelta con alguna consecuencia concreta. Pero es posible que el un porcentaje X de adultos y viejos funcione como contenedor de las energías juveniles.

A fines del siglo XX decíamos, respondiendo a Francis Fukuyama y a Samuel Huntington, que el problema geopolítico de la única potencia mundial del momento, Estados Unidos, no eran tanto los conflictos de intereses con el mundo islámico (entonces presentados como conflictos culturales) sino el conflicto de intereses con China, que hoy se califican como colaboración estratégica. Entonces fechábamos en 2015 como un probable año en que esos conflictos comenzarían a hacerse críticos o al menos evidente. Luego señalamos una aceleración del declive de la influencia mundial de la primera potencia con el inicio de la guerra de Irak.

A Estados Unidos todavía lo salva no sólo cierta cultura de la innovación, el riesgo y la practicidad, sino también el hecho de ser todavía el único país industrializado (antigua denominación moderna) con una tasa de nacimientos aceptable en términos económicos y una población que dista mucho de ser tan vieja como la europea o la japonesa.

Más tarde, cuando todo esto pasó a formar parte del consenso general, estuvimos de lado de quienes advertían ciertas contradicciones en la imparable maquinaria China. Más allá de que su régimen político dista mucho de ser una inspiración procedente de la tradición humanista e iluminista, su ventaja es que todavía no es el imperio que alguna vez fue y que siempre quiso ser. Su próximo posicionamiento como primera potencia económica del mundo es inevitable, al menos por un par de décadas, antes que India le dispute ese obsesivo y absurdo privilegio que no dice mucho sobre el desarrollo de un país o de una sociedad.

Por las limitaciones de su sistema político (obviamente, esto es materia de discusión desde algunas perspectivas ideológicas), uno podría esperar que en cinco o diez años China tuviese alguna revuelta demandando más participación popular en la administración del futuro político y económico de su país y de sus provincias apenas se enfriase el acelerado ritmo de su crecimiento económico o sufriese algún desequilibrio inflacionario. En un país tan populoso donde la mayoría son pobres, el precio de los alimentos es un factor de alta sensibilidad.

No obstante, el creciente envejecimiento de su población por un lado acelera ese enfriamiento económico y por el otro hace pensar que, a pesar de la diversidad y de los números astronómicos de su población, a pesar de las nuevas tecnologías de comunicación e interacción, esta revuelta contra el estatus quo de un gobierno central es más bien improbable.

No imposible, pero es mucho menos predecible que la actual rebelión de las jóvenes sociedades árabes de hoy en día, gobernadas por regímenes faraónicos y por los mismos nombres del siglo pasado.

Claro, un complemento válido sería observar que también las potencias actuales son las mismas que las del siglo pasado y se rigen, al menos en política internacional, con la mentalidad misma del Ancien régime. Pero ese tema merece un espacio propio.

Jorge Majfud

La República (Uruguay)

Milenio (Mexico)

Gara (España)

Panama America (Panama)

Latinos Nix Violence

Latinos Nix Violence

Harvard Magazine

First-generation immigrants are more likely to be law-abiding than third-generation Americans of similar socioeconomic status, reports Robert Sampson, Ford professor of the social sciences. These new findings run counter to conventional wisdom, which holds that immigration creates chaos. The prevailing “social disorganization theory” first gained traction in the 1920s and ’30s, after the last big wave of European immigrants poured into the United States. Scholars have maintained that the resulting heterogeneity harmed society. “They weren’t saying that this was caused by any trait of a particular group,” Sampson explains. “Rather, they were saying that lots of mixing would make communication accross groups difficult, make it hard to achieve consensus, and create more crime.”

Yet in Sampson’s recent study, first-generation Latino immigrants offer a particularly vivid counterexample to this common assumption. “They come into the country with low resources and high poverty, so you would expect a high propensity to violence,” Sampson says. But Latinos were less prone to such actions than either blacks or whites—providing the latest evidence that Latinos do better on a range of social indicators, a phenomenon sociologists call the “Latino paradox.”

With colleagues Jeffrey Morenoff of the University of Michigan and Stephen Raudenbush, now of the University of Chicago, Sampson followed 3,000 young people in 180 Chicago neighborhoods from 1995 to 2002. They ranged in age from eight to 25, and came from a full range of income levels and from neighborhoods with varying degrees of integration. Chicago was a deliberate choice: “We felt it was representative of where the country was going,” Sampson explains. The number of Mexican immigrants in the city skyrocketed in the 1990s, and immigration from Poland and Russia also increased, creating an almost equal three-way split in Chicago’s general population among whites, blacks, and Latinos.

During the course of their study, Sampson and his colleagues periodically interviewed the young people on a range of subjects, including asking whether they had been involved in such violent acts as fighting or robbery. The researchers supplemented this data with census, crime, and poverty statistics, and with a separate survey that asked 9,000 Chicago adults about the strength of social networks in their neighborhoods. The investigators then developed mathematical models to determine the probability that a given child would engage in a violent act, and to understand which factors raised or lowered his or her likelihood of violence.

Sampson was surprised to discover that a person’s immigrant status emerged as a stronger indicator of a dispropensity to violence than any other factor, including poverty, ethnic background, and IQ. “It’s just a whopping effect,” he says. Of people born in other countries, he notes, “First-generation immigrants are 45 percent less likely to commit violence than third-generation immigrants, and second-generation immigrants are about 22 percent less likely [to do so] than the third generation.” Mexican Americans were the least violent among those studied, in large part because they were the most likely to be first-generation immigrants, Sampson adds. The study also revealed that neighborhoods matter. “Kids living in neighborhoods with a high concentration of first-generation immigrants have lower rates of violence,” he explains, “even if they aren’t immigrants themselves.”

[…]

read more >>

~Erin O ’Donnell

 

Hurricane Katrina and the Hyperreality of the Image

Post-Katrina School Bus

Image by laffy4k via Flickr

Katrina y la hiperrealidad de la imagen (Spanish)

Hurricane Katrina and the Hyperreality of the Image

by Jorge Majfud

Translated by Bruce Campbell

September 2, 2005

In the 16th century, the Dominican brother Bartolomé de las Casas wrote an empassioned chronicle about the brutal conquest by the Spanish Empire of the new world. The denunciation by this Christian convert (which is to say, “of impure blood”) in behalf of a universal humanism, resulted in the Juntas de Valladolid (1550) in which he faced off, before the public and the king, with Ginés de Sepúlveda. Using a biblical quotation taken from Proverbs, Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda and his partisans defended the right of the Empire to enslave indigenous peoples, not only because they did it in the name of the “true faith” but, above all, because the Bible said that the intelligent man must subjugate the idiot. We will not go into who were the intelligent men. What matters now is knowing that over the centuries, a debate resulted among the “chroniclers” (the only literary genre permitted by the Spanish Inquisition in the Americas). As always, only a minority promoted a new ethics based on ethical “principles.” In this case the humanists and defenders of the “natural right” of the indigenous peoples. One had to wait until the 19th century for these “principles” to become reality by the force of “necessity.” In other words, the Industrial Revolution needed wage laborers, not free labor that competed with standardized production and that, besides, had no consumption power. From that point on, as always, “necessity” quickly universalized the “principles,” so that today we all consider ourselves “anti-slavery,” based on ethical “principles” and not by “necessity.”* I have explained this elsewhere, but what is important to me now is to briefly analyze the power of the written text and, beyond this, the power of dialectical (and sometimes sophistic) analysis.

Using the denunciations of father Bartolomé de las Casas, a nascent empire (the British) quickly found writers to create the “black legend” of Spain’s colonial enterprise. Then, like any new empire, it presumed an advanced morality: it presented itself as the champion of the anti-slavery struggle (which – what a coincidence – only became a reality when its industries developed in the 19th century) and pretended to give moral lessons without the necessary authority, which was denied by its own history of brutal oppression, equally as brutal as that of the old Spanish empire.

Shortly after the De las Casas-Supúlveda controversy and following the approval of the New Laws governing treatment of the indians as a consequence (although the laws weren’t worth the paper they were printed on), Guamán Poma Ayala denounced a similar history of rapes, torture and mass murder. But he did it, in contrast, with a collection of drawings, which at the time was a form of chronicle as valid as the written word. These drawing can be studied in detail today, but we would have to say that there impact and interest was minimal in their own time, despite the starkness of the images. In those days, just as during the Middle Ages, images had a special usefulness because the majority of the population did not know how to read. Nevertheless, and for that very reason, it is easy to explain why Guamán Poma’s chronicle was of no great consequence: because the “masses,” the population, didn’t matter as an agent of change. Or it simply didn’t matter. Rebellion might be headed by a cacique, like Tupac Amaru, but the population was not a protagonist of its own story.

Now here’s where I’m going with this: this process has been reversed today. The “masses” are no longer “masses” and have begun to matter: citing Ortega y Gasset, we might say that we had a “rebellion of the masses” but now can longer speak of “masses” but of a population composed of individuals that have started to question, to make demands, and to rebel. Nonetheless, the struggle is rooted on this front: as the masses (now subjects in rebellion) matter in the generation of the story, those who still belong to the old order seek to dominate them with their own language: the image. And often they succeed to perfection. Let’s take a look.

Our Western popular culture is based (at times trapped) in visual codes and a visual sensibility. We know that the culture of the ruling (or dominant) classes continues to be based on the complexities of the written text. Even the experts on images base their studies and theories on the written word. If in Latin America public opinion and sensibility are strongly conditioned by an ideological tradition (formed from the time of the Conquest, in the 16th century, and exploited by opposing political groups in the 20th century), here, in the United States, the relationship with the past is less conflict-oriented, and hence the lack of historical memory can, in some cases, facilitate the work of the proselytizers. We will not get into that issue here. Suffice it to say that the United States is a complex and contradictory country, and therefore any judgement about “Americanness” is as arbitrary and unfair as speaking of “Latinamericanness” without recognizing the great diversity that exists within that mythological construct. We must not forget that all ideology (of the left or of the right, liberal or conservative) sustains itself via a strategic simplification of the reality it analyzes or creates.

I understand that these factors should be taken into account when we want to understand why the image is a basic “text” for capitalist societies: its “consumption” is quick, disposable, and therefore “comfortable.” The problem arises when this image (the sign, the text) ceases to be comfortable and pleasant. When this happens the public reacts, becomes aware. That is to say, the understanding, the awareness, enters through the eyes: a photograph of a girl fleeing the napalm bombs in Viet Nam, for example. For the same reason it was “recommended” to not show the public images of the war in Iraq that included children torn apart by bombs (see the daily papers of the rest of the world in 2003), the coffins of American soldiers returning home, etc. By contrast, the Terri Schiavo case occupied the time and concern of the American public for many weeks, day after day, hour after hour; the president and governor Bush of Florida signed “exceptions” that were rejected by the judiciary, until the poor woman died to rest in peace from so many obscene images of which she was the unknowing and unwilling victim. Despite it all, during thos same weeks hundreds of Iraqis, as well as American soldiers, continued to die and they didn’t even make the news, beyond the publication of the daily statistic. Why? Because they aren’t persons, they are numbers for a sensibility that is only moved by images. And this was proved by the photographs of Abu Graib and with a video that showed an American soldier shooting a wounded man. Those were the only two moments in which the American public reacted with indignation. But we should ask ourselves, does anyone really believe that these things don’t happen in war? Does anyone still believe in that postmodern story about hygienic wars, where there are “special effects” but no blood, death and pain? Yes. Many people do. Lamentably, a majority. And it’s not due to lack of intelligence but to lack of interest.

We can analyze the same process at work with the recent problem of New Orleans. The catastrophe was not grasped when the meteorologists warned of the scale of the tragedy, several days before. Nor was there broad awareness of the problem when reports spoke of tens of dead. Four days after, we knew that the number of dead could rise into the hundreds. Possibly thousands, if we consider those wuo will die for lack of dialysis, lack of insulin and other emergency medicines. But television did not show a single dead person. Anyone can search the pages of the principal daily newspapers of the United States and they will not find an “offensive” image, one of those photographs that we can view in daily papers from other parts of the world: bodies floating, children dying “like in Africa,” violence, rapes, etc. Because if there is one thing in abundance it is digital cameras; but there is even more “modesty.” I am no advocate of morbid gratuitousness, nor of showing blood over and over again unnecessarily: I am an advocate of showing everything. As a U.S. citizen said with reference to the war, “if we were capable of doing it we should be capable of seeing it.”

A natural tragedy like this one (or like the tsunami in Asia) is a disgrace for which we cannot hold anyone responsible. (Let’s set aside, for a moment, the share of responsibility that societies have in the global warming of the oceans.) Nonetheless, the tragedy of New Orleans demonstrates that a superpower like the United States can mobilize tens of thousands of soldiers, the most advanced technology in the world, the most effective machinery of assault in human history in order to remove a foreign president (or dictator), but prove incapable of reaching thousands of victims of Hurricane Katrina, in a city within its own country. In New Orleans, there were acts of vandalism and violence, rapes and general chaos while victims complained that there were no policemen or soldiers to help them, in an area that found itself under martial law. This complaint was made in front of the cameras, and so we can believe that at least the journalists were able to gain access to those places. Some loot because they are opportunists, others out of desperation, as they begin to experience a situation of struggle for survival previously not seen in the most powerful country in the world. On September 1 president G.W. Bush appealed for private aid and on September 2 he said it was not sufficient. There is no lack of resources, of course (the war in Iraq cost more than three hundred billion dollars, ten times more than all the damages produced by the hurricane in this tragedy); the Congress voted for economic aid of ten billion dollars for the victims. But the latter continued to die, trapped in stadiums, on bridges, without shelter, offering up a jarring image for a country whose poor suffer from problems of overeating, where beggars are fined a thousand dollars for asking for things they don’t need (since the State supposedly provides them everything necessary to survive without desperation in case they can’t do so by their own means). Undocumented Hispanics suffer a double tragedy: they will not receive compensation like their neighbors, but rest assured that they will be the first to take up the task of reconstruction. Who else? What other social group in this country has the physical, moral and spiritual toughness to work under conditions of survival and hopelessness? Or do we still believe in fairy tales?

The people of the United States will become aware of the objectives and priorities of this government when they compare its efficiency or inefficiency in different places and moments. But for that to happen they must “see it” on their television sets, in the English-language news media on the Internet, to which they turn out of habit. Because it is of little or no use for them to read it in written texts, since the critical analyses of the New York Times are seemingly useless – a paper that, with a large number of brilliant analysts noting one by one the contradictions of this government, took sides publicly against the the reelection of G. W. Bush. Now, when there is a “fatigue” in public opinion, the majority of the country’s population understands that the intervention in Iraq was a mistake. Of course, as my grandfather used to say, you chirped too late.

U.S. public opinion will become aware of what is happening in New Orleans (and of what is happening beyond the natural phenomenon) when people can see images; a part of what the victims see and tell orally to a public that listens but is unmoved by a dialectical analysis that doesn’t appeal to images or biblical metaphors. The U.S. public will realize what is happening when its sees “raw” images, as long as they don’t confuse those images with the chaos of some underdeveloped country.

The brilliant Brazilian educator, Paulo Freire, exiled by the dictatorship of his country “out of ignorance,” published in 1971 The Pedagogy of the Oppressed with a publishing house in Montevideo, Uruguay. He mentioned there the pedagogical experience of a colleague. The teacher had shown to a student an alley of New York City filled with garbage and asked him what he saw. The boy said that he saw a street in Africa or Latin America. “And why not a street in New York City?” observed the teacher. A short timearlier, in the 1950s, Roland Barthes had done an interesting analysis of a photograph in which a black soldier saluted “patriotically” the flag of the empire that oppressed Africa (the French empire), and concluded, among other things, that the image was conditioned by the (written) text that accompanies it and that it is the latter that confers on the image (ideological) meaning. We might think that the semantic (or semiotic) problem is a bit more complex than this, and arises from other unwritten “texts,” other images, other (hegemonic) discourses, etc. But the “raw” image also has a revelatory, or at least critical, function. What do I mean by “raw”? “Raw” images are precisely those images censored (or repressed, to use a psychoanalytic term) by the dominant discourse. For this reason those of us who use dialectics and analysis related historically to thought and language must recognize, at the same time, the power of those others who control visual language. To dominate or to liberate, to hide or to reveal.

Once, in an African village, a Macua man told me how a sorceress had transformed a sack of sand into a sack of sugar, and how another sorcerer had come flying down from the sky. I asked him if he remembered any strange, recent dream. The Macua man told me he had dreamed that he saw his village from an airplane. “Have you ever flown in a plane?” I asked. Obviously not. He hadn’t even been close to one of those machines. “But you say that you saw it,” I observed. “Yes, but it was a dream,” he told me. Spirits in the bodies of lions, flying men, sand turned into sugar aren’t dreams. Stories like these can be read in the chronicles of the Spaniards who conquered Latin America in the 16th century. We can also see them today in many regions of Central America. My response to my Macua friend was the same as I would give to the more “evolved” U.S. public: we must always be aware that not everything we see is true, nor is can everything true be seen.

*This same principal that I call “necessity” was identified in the 19th century by Bautista Alberdi, when he recognized that laicism in the Rio de la Plata was (and had to be) a consequence of the great diversity of religions, a product of immigration. It was not possible to expel or engage in “ethnic cleansing,” as Spain did in the 15th century, since in Alberdi’s time we were in a different arena of history, and of the concept of “necessary resources.”

Translated by Bruce Campbell

If Latin America Had Been a British Enterprise

His family was originally from Serantes, Ferro...

Image via Wikipedia

Si América Latina hubiese sido una empresa inglesa (Spanish)

If Latin America Had Been a British Enterprise

Jorge Majfud

In the process of conducting a recent study at the University of Georgia, a female student interviewed a young Colombian woman and tape recorded the interview.  The young woman commented on her experience in England and how  the British were interested in knowing the reality of Colombia.  After she detailed the problems that her country had, one Englishman observed the paradox that England, despite being smaller and possessing fewer natural resources, was much wealthier than Colombia.  His conclusion was cutting:  “If England had managed Colombia like a business, Colombians today would be much richer.”

The Colombian youth admitted her irritation, because the comment was intended to point out  just how incapable we are in Latin America.  The lucid maturity of the young Colombian woman was evident in the course of the interview, but in that moment she could not find the words to respond to the son of the old empire.  The heat of the moment, the audacity of those British kept her from remembering that in many respects Latin America had indeed been managed like a British enterprise and that, therefore, the idea was not only far from original but, also, was part of the reason that Latin America was so poor – with the caveat that poverty is a scarcity of capital and not of historical consciousness.

Agreed: three hundred years of monopolistic, retrograde and frequently cruel colonization has weighed heavily upon the Latin American continent, and consolidated in the spirit of our nations an oppositional psychology with respect to social and political legitimation (Alberto Montaner called that cultural trait “the suspicious original legitimacy of power”).  Following the Semi-independences of the 19th century, the “progress” of the British railroad system was not only a kind of gilded cage – in the words of Eduardo Galeano -, a strait-jacket for native Latin American development, but we can see something similar in Africa: in Mozambique, for example, a country that extends North-to-South, the roads cut across it from East-to-West.  The British Empire was thus able to extract the wealth of its central colonies by passing through the Portuguese colony.  In Latin America we can still see the networks of asphalt and steel flowing together toward the ports – old bastions of the Spanish colonies that native rebels contemplated with infinite rancor from the heights of the savage sierras, and which the large land owners saw as the maximum progress possible for countries that were backward by “nature.”

Obviously, these observations do not exempt us, the Latin Americans, from assuming our own responsibilities.  We are conditioned by an economic infrastructure, but not determined by it, just as an adult is not tied irremediably to the traumas of childhood.  Certainly we must confront these days other kinds of strait-jackets, conditioning imposed on us from outside and from within, by the inevitable thirst for dominance of world powers who refuse strategic change, on the one hand, and frequently by our own culture of immobility, on the other.  For the former it is necessary to lose our innocence; for the latter we need the courage to criticize ourselves, to change ourselves and to change the world.

Translated by Bruce Campbell

* Jorge Majfud is a Uruguayan writer and professor of Latin American literature at the University of Georgia.

Propaganda and the Myth of Reconquest

Diego Rivera

Image via Wikipedia

Propaganda and the Myth of Reconquest


By Jorge Majfud

A few days ago a well-known syndicated talk radio personality repeatedly asserted an opinion that is becoming common these days:  illegal immigrants should be denounced as dishonest and criminal, not only because they have entered the U.S. illegally but, mainly, because their objective is the Reconquest.

Let’s analyze the syllogism posited here. Even assuming that illegal workers are Reconquistadors – that’s what they were called – which is to say that they lay claim to vast territories lost by Mexico to Anglo Saxon settlers in the 19th century, one would have to conclude, according to the argument of the angry sophists, that the U.S. is founded on illegitimacy and the actions of alleged criminals.  (Texas was conquered in 1836 and thereby re-established slavery in a Mexican territory where it was illegal; other Western states met the same fate, following a war with Mexico and a payment to the vanquished in the manner of a purchase, because by then money was already a powerful legitimating agent.)

Now, if a reconquest is a crime, then what is a conquest?  In any case it would be understandable to assert that this immigration phenomenon is not politically convenient (although economically it appears to be so). But, dishonest? Criminal?  Would they dare to qualify as criminal the Spanish Reconquest of the Iberian Peninsula?  No, of course not, and not because it wasn1t carried out in a bloody and racist fashion, but because in that case it was a matter of Christians against Muslims – and Jews.

Any conquest, like any reconquest, is a simple political deed that aims to hide behind morality. The legitimacy of the deed always originates from force; propaganda then takes on the task of confusing force with morality, or with exposing the contradictions to analysis. In general, the former is abused by the victors, and the latter is a meager resource of the vanquished.  Much like today, in the Middle Ages propaganda, religious and political, was indispensable.  The nobility, the upper classes, were the ones who produced the greatest quantity of nationalist propaganda, aimed at morally orienting the people. Nevertheless, both in the early years of the Muslim conquest in Spain, and later in the Spanish conquest in the Americas, the upper classes were the first to come to an agreement with the invaders in order to maintain their class and gender privileges.

Propaganda is the hook in the jaw of history.  The idea of a reconquest is a fiction for millions of expatriated workers, the forever disinherited who simply look to survive and feed their economically marginal families by recourse to a hundred-years-old, unjust, anachronistic social tradition.  But it is a strategic fiction for the propagandists who are able to use it to hide the dramatic political rationale – i.e., the rationale of power – that exists behind the moralizing discourse.

Every time I hear someone sermonizing, I lose faith. That faith to which the haranguers of the U.S. extreme right and the caudillos of Latin American liberation lay claim. The more I hear, the less I believe.  But this surely is the fault of my personal inability to enjoy what other people enjoy, like the safety of trenches dug with propaganda and self-indulgence.
Jorge Majfud, The University of Georgia. July 2006.
Translated by Bruce Campbell

The History of Immigration

Cesar Chavez Estrada

Image by Troy Holden via Flickr

The History of Immigration


by Jorge Majfud

 

One of the typical – correction: stereotypical – images of a Mexican has been, for more than a century, a short, drunk, trouble-maker of a man who, when not appearing with guitar in hand singing a corrido, was portrayed seated in the street taking a siesta under an enormous sombrero. This image of the perfect idler, of the irrational embodiment of vice, can be traced from old 19th century illustrations to the souvenirs that Mexicans themselves produce to satisfy the tourist industry, passing through, along the way, the comic books and cartoons of Walt Disney and Warner Bros. in the 20th century. We know that nothing is accidental; even the defenders of “innocence” in the arts, of the harmless entertainment value of film, of music and of literature, cannot keep us from pointing out the ethical significance and ideological function of the most infantile characters and the most “neutral” storylines. Of course, art is much more than a mere ideological instrument; but that does not save it from manipulation by one human group for its own benefit and to the detriment of others. Let’s at least not refer to as “art” that kind of garbage.

Ironies of history: few human groups, like the Mexicans who today live in the U.S. – and, by extension, all the other Hispanic groups, – can say that they best represent the spirit of work and sacrifice of this country. Few (North) Americans could compete with those millions of self-abnegating workers who we can see everywhere, sweating beneath the sun on the most suffocating summer days, in the cities and in the fields, pouring hot asphalt or shoveling snow off the roads, risking their lives on towering buildings under construction or while washing the windows of important offices that decide the fate of the millions of people who, in the language of postmodernity, are known as “consumers.” Not to mention their female counterparts who do the rest of the hard work – since all the work is equally “dirty” – occupying positions in which we rarely see citizens with full rights. None of which justifies the racist speech that Mexico’s president, Vicente Fox, gave recently, declaring that Mexicans in the U.S. do work that “not even black Americans want to do.” The Fox administration never retracted the statement, never recognized this “error” but rather, on the contrary, accused the rest of humanity of having “misinterpreted” his words. He then proceeded to invite a couple of “African-American” leaders (some day someone will explain to me in what sense these Americans are African), employing an old tactic: the rebel, the dissident, is neutralized with flowers, the savage beast with music, and the wage slaves with movie theaters and brothels. Certainly, it would have sufficed to avoid the adjective “black” and used “poor” instead. In truth, this semantic cosmetics would have been more intelligent but not completely free of suspicion. Capitalist ethics condemns racism, since its productive logic is indifferent to the races and, as the 19th century shows, slave trafficking was always against the interests of industrial production. Hence, anti-racist humanism has a well-established place in the hearts of nations and it is no longer so easy to eradicate it except through practices that hide behind elaborate and persuasive social discourses. Nevertheless, the same capitalist ethics approves the existence of the “poor,” and thus nobody would have been scandalized if instead of “blacks,” the Mexican president had said “poor Americans.” All of this demonstrates, meanwhile, that not only those in the economic North live off of the unhappy immigrants who risk their lives crossing the border, but also the politicians and ruling class of the economic South, who obtain, through millions of remittances, the second most important source of revenue after petroleum, by way of Western Union to the “madre pobre,” from the blood and sweat of those expelled by a system that then takes pride in them, and rewards them with such brilliant discourses that serve only to add yet another problem to their desperate lives of fugitive production.

Violence is not only physical; it is also moral. After contributing an invaluable part of the economy of this country and of the countries from which they come – and of those countries from which they were expelled by hunger, unemployment and the disfavor of corruption – the nameless men, the unidentified, must return to their overcrowded rooms for fear of being discovered as illegals. When they become sick, they simply work on, until they are at death’s door and go to a hospital where they receive aid and understanding from one morally conscious part of the population while another tries to deny it to them. This latter part includes the various anti-immigrant organizations that, with the pretext of protecting the national borders or defending the rule of law, have promoted hostile laws and attitudes which increasingly deny the human right to health or tranquility to those workers who have fallen into illegality by force of necessity, through the empire of logic of the same system that will not recognize them, a system which translates its contradictions into the dead and destroyed. Of course we can not and should not be in favor of any kind of illegality. A democracy is that system where the rules are changed, not broken. But laws are a product of a reality and of a people, they are changed or maintained according to the interests of those who have power to do so, and at times these interests can by-pass the most fundamental Human Rights. Undocumented workers will never have even the most minimal right to participate in any electoral simulacrum, neither here nor on the other side of the border: they have been born out of time and out of place, with the sole function of leaving their blood in the production process, in the maintenance of an order of privilege that repeatedly excludes them and at the same time makes use of them. Everyone knows they exist, everyone knows where they are, everyone knows where they come from and where they’re going; but nobody wants to see them. Perhaps their children will cease to be ill-born wage slaves, but by then the slaves will have died. And if there is no heaven, they will have been screwed once and forever. And if there is one and they didn’t have time to repeat one hundred times the correct words, they will be worse off still, because they will go to Hell, posthumous recognition instead of attaining the peace and oblivion so desired.

As long as the citizens, those with “true human” status, can enjoy the benefits of having servants in exchange for a minimum wage and practically no rights, threatened day and night by all kinds of haunts, they will see no need to change the laws in order to recognize a reality installed a posteriori. This seems almost logical. Nonetheless, what ceases to be “logical” – if we discard the racist ideology – are the arguments of those who accuse immigrant workers of damaging the country’s economy by making use of services like hospitalization. Naturally, these anti-immigrant groups ignore the fact that Social Security takes in the not insignificant sum of seven billion dollars a year from contributions made by illegal immigrants who, if they die before attaining legal status, will never receive a penny of the benefit. Which means fewer guests at the banquet. Nor, apparently, are they able to understand that if a businessman has a fleet of trucks he must set aside a percentage of his profits to repair the wear and tear, malfunctions and accidents arising from their use. It would be strange reasoning, above all for a capitalist businessman, to not send those trucks in for servicing in order to save on maintenance costs; or to send them in and then blame the mechanic for taking advantage of his business. Nevertheless, this is the kind and character of arguments that one reads in the newspapers and hears on television, almost daily, made by these groups of inflamed “patriots” who, despite their claims, don’t represent a public that is much more heterogeneous than it appears from the outside – millions of men and women, overlooked by simplistic anti-American rhetoric, feel and act differently, in a more humane way.

Of course, it’s not just logical thinking that fails them. They also suffer from memory loss. They have forgotten, all of a sudden, where their grandparents came from. Except, that is, for that extremely reduced ethnic group of American-Americans – I refer to the indigenous peoples who came prior to Columbus and the Mayflower, and who are the only ones never seen in the anti-immigrant groups, since among the xenophobes there is an abundance of Hispanics, not coincidentally recently “naturalized” citizens. The rest of the residents of this country have come from some part of the world other than where they now stand with their dogs, their flags, their jaws outthrust and their hunter’s binoculars, safeguarding the borders from the malodorous poor who would do them harm by attacking the purity of their national identity. Suddenly, they forget where a large part of their food and raw materials come from and under what conditions they are produced. Suddenly they forget that they are not alone in this world and that this world does not owe them more than what they owe the world.

Elsewhere I have mentioned the unknown slaves of Africa, who if indeed are poor on their own are no less unhappy for fault of others; the slaves who provide the world with the finest of chocolates and the most expensive wood without the minimal recompense that the proud market claims as Sacred Law, strategic fantasy this, that merely serves to mask the one true Law that rules the world: the law of power and interests hidden beneath the robes of morality, liberty and right. I have in my memory, etched with fire, those village youths, broken and sickly, from a remote corner of Mozambique who carried tons of tree trunks for nothing more than a pack of cigarettes. Cargo worth millions that would later appear in the ports to enrich a few white businessmen who came from abroad, while in the forests a few dead were left behind, unimportant, crushed by the trunks and ignored by the law of their own country.

Suddenly they forget or refuse to remember. Let’s not ask of them more than what they are capable of. Let’s recall briefly, for ourselves, the effect of immigration on history. From pre-history, at each step we will find movements of human beings, not from one valley to another but crossing oceans and entire continents. The “pure race” proclaimed by Hitler had not emerged through spontaneous generation or from some seed planted in the mud of the Black Forest but instead had crossed half of Asia and was surely the result of innumerable crossbreedings and of an inconvenient and denied evolution (uniting blonds with blacks) that lightened originally dark faces and put gold in their hair and emerald in their eyes. After the fall of Constantinople to the Turks, in 1453, the wave of Greeks moving into Italy initiated a great part of that economic and spiritual movement we would later know as the Rennaissance. Although generally forgotten, the immigration of Arabs and Jews would also provoke, in the sleepy Europe of the Middle Ages, different social, economic and cultural movements that the immobility of “purity” had prevented for centuries. In fact, the vocation of “purity” – racial, religious and cultural – that sunk the Spanish Empire and led it to bankrupcy several times, despite all of the gold of the Americas, was responsible for the persecution and expulsion of the (Spanish) Jews in 1492 and of the (Spanish) Arabs a century later. An expulsion which, paradoxically, benefited the Netherlands and England in a progressive process that would culminate in the Industrial Revolution. And we can say the same for our Latin American countries. If I were to limit myself to just my own country, Uruguay, I could recall the “golden years” – if there were ever years of such color – of its economic and cultural development, coinciding, not by accident, with a boom in immigration that took effect from the end of the 19th until the middle of the 20th century. Our country not only developed one of the most advanced and democratic educational systems of the period, but also, comparatively, had no cause to envy the progress of the most developed countries of the world, even though its population lacked, due to its scale, the geopolitical weight enjoyed by other countries at the time. At present, cultural immobility has precipitated an inverted migration, from the country of the children and grandchildren of immigrants to the country of the grandparents. The difference is rooted in the fact that the Europeans who fled from hunger and violence found in the Río de la Plata (and in so many other ports of Latin America) the doors wide open; their descendants, or the children and grandchildren of those who opened the doors to them, now enter Europe through the back door, although they appear to fall from the sky. And if indeed it is necessary to remember that a large part of the European population receives them happily, at a personal level, neither the laws nor general practice correspond to this good will. They aren’t even third class citizens; they are nothing and the management reserves the right to deny admission, which may mean a kick in the pants and deportation as criminals.

In order to obscure the old and irreplaceable Law of interests, it is argued – as Orian Fallaci has done so unjustly – that these are not the times of the First or Second World War and, therefore, one immigration cannot be compared to another. In fact, we know that one period can never be reduced to another, but they can indeed be compared. Or else history and memory serve no purpose. If tomorrow in Europe the same conditions of economic necessity that caused its citizens to emigrate before were to be repeated, they would quickly forget the argument that our times are not comparable to other historical periods and, hence, it’s reasonable to forget.

I understand that in a society, unlike a controlled laboratory experiment, every cause is an effect and viceversa – a cause cannot modify a social order without becoming the effect of itself or of something else. For the same reason, I understand that culture (the world of customs and ideas) influences a given economic and material order as much as the other way around. The idea of the determining infrastructure is the base of the Marxist analytical code, while the inverse (culture as a determinant of socio-economic reality) is basic for those who reacted to the fame of materialism. For the reasons mentioned above, I understand that the problem here lies in the idea of “determinism,” in either of the two senses. For its part, every culture promotes an interpretive code according to its own Interests and, in fact, does so to the measure of its own Power. A synthesis of the two approaches is also necessary for our problem. If the poverty of Mexico, for example, were only the result of a cultural “deformity” – as currently proposed by the theorists and specialists of Latin American Idiocy – the new economic necessities of Mexican immigrants to the United States would not produce workers who are more stoic and long-suffering than any others in the host country: the result would simply be “immigrant idlers.” And reality seems to show us otherwise. Certainly, as Jesus said, “there is none more blind than he who will not see.”

 

Translated by Bruce Campbell

 

Why Culture Matters

 

Why Culture Matters

https://web.archive.org/web/20201021181353/https://judolphinmedia.com/14437/editorial/the-oldest-enemy-of-civilization/

In September of 2006, in Lewisburg, Tennessee, a neighborhood group protested because the public library was investing resources in the purchase of books in Spanish.  Of the sixty thousand volumes, only one thousand were published in a language other than English.  The annual budget, totalling thirteen thousand dollars, dedicates the sum of one hundred and thirty dollars to the purchase of books in Spanish. The buying spree representing one percent of the budget enraged some of the citizens of Tennessee, causing them to take the issue to the authorities, arguing that a public service, sustained through taxes charged to the U.S. populace, should not promote something that might benefit illegal workers.

Thus, the new conception of culture surpasses that distant precept of the ancient library of Alexandria.  That now almost completely forgotten library achieved the height of its development in second century Egypt.  Its backward administrators had the custom of periodically sending investigators throughout the world in order to acquire copies of texts from the most distant cultures.  Among its volumes there were copies of Greek, Persian, Indian, Hebrew and African texts.  Almost all of those decades-long efforts were abruptly brought to an end, thanks to a fire caused by the enlightene ships of the emperor Julius Caesar.  Nearly a thousand years later, another deliberately-set fire destroyed the similarly celebrated library of Córdoba, founded by the caliph Al-Hakam (creator of the University and of free education), where the passion for knowledge brought together Jews, Christians and Arabs with texts from the most diverse cultures known in the period.  Also in this period, the Spanish caliphs were in the habit of dispatching seekers throughout the world in order to expand the library’s collection of foreign books.  This library was also destroyed by a fanatic, al-Mansur, in the name of Islam, according to his own interpretation of the common good and superior morality.

The Tennessee anecdote represents a minority in a vast and heterogeneous country.  But it remains significant and concerning, like a sneeze on a passenger train.  Also significant is the idea, assumed there, that the Spanish language is a foreign language, when any half-way educated person knows that before English it was Spanish that was spoken in what today is the United States; that Spanish has been there, in many states of the Union for more than four hundred years; that Spanish and Latino culture are neither foreign nor an insignificant minority: more than forty million “Hispanics” live in the United States and the number of Spanish-speakers in the country is roughly equivalent to the number of Spanish speakers living in Spain.  If those who become nervous because of the presence of that “new culture” had the slightest historical awareness, they would neither be nervous nor consider their neighbors to be dangerous foreigners.  The only thing that historically has always been dangerous is ignorance, which is why the promotion of ignorance can hardly be considered synonymous with security and progress – even by association, as with the reigning method of propaganda, which consists of associating cars with women, tomatoes with civil rights, the victory of force with proof of the Truth or a million dollars with Paradise.

Jorge Majfud

The University of Georgia, October 2006.

Deadly Medicine: Creating the Master Race

Image for Exhibit

Deadly Medicine: Creating the Master Race

Exhibition runs December 13, 2010 through March 13, 2011
Main Library, Fourth Floor

«Nazism is applied biology.»
— Rudolf Hess, Deputy to Adolf Hitler

The Jacksonville Public Library, in partnership with United States Holocaust Memorial Museum and Remembering for the Future Community Holocaust Initiative, is honored to present Deadly Medicine: Creating the Master Race. Through compelling images, Deadly Medicine examines the Nazi regime’s collaboration with medical professionals to develop a racist ideology intended to cleanse German society of those viewed as threats to the health of the nation. A powerful visual testament to the atrocities of the Holocaust, this traveling exhibition illustrates how German doctors, scientists and public health officials legitimized persecution and genocide through pseudo-scientific eugenics programs.

Deadly Medicine is based on an acclaimed 2004 exhibition of the same name that opened at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, DC. Since then, versions of the exhibition have traveled to Canada, Germany and across the United States. Deadly Medicine has been made possible by The Lerner Foundation and Eric F. and Lore Ross.

Visit the online companion to Deadly Medicine at www.ushmm.org/deadlymedicine

The local exhibition is sponsored by the Jacksonville Public Library, Friends of the Jacksonville Public Library, Fanny Landwirth Foundation,
Mr. Jay Stein/Stein Mart Inc. and Remembering for the Future Community Holocaust Initiative.

Location and Hours

Time: Daily, during regular library operating hours. Closed for major holidays.
Location: Jacksonville Main Library, 303 N. Laura Street, Jacksonville, Florida
Lecture Series, Presented by Remembering for the Future Community Holocaust Initiative

Deadly Medicine’s companion lecture series extends the exhibition’s dialog into our community, bringing together experts and thinkers to explore issues that are still as relevant as ever. The lecture series includes presentations at the University of North Florida, Jacksonville University, Florida State College at Jacksonville, the Schultz Center for Teaching and Leadership and Florida Coastal School of Law.

Schedule of Events

Thursday, February 17, 2011
Panel: Complicity & Resistance in a Controlled Society—This discussion explores the decision to comply with and the decision to resist the established order from the perspectives of business, sociology, literature, philosophy, the military, and the sciences.
Moderator: Douglas M. Hazzard, Ph.D., Dean, College of Arts & Sciences, Jacksonville University
Time: Program at 7:00 p.m.
Location: Terry Concert Hall, Jacksonville University
Panelists:
Business: Joe Buck, Ph.D.
It’s Only Business: Cooperation & Denial in International ConflictSociology: Nathan Rousseau, Ph.D.
The Intrinsic Dangers of BureaucracyLiterature: Jorge Majfud, Ph.D.
The Technology of BarbarismPhilosopy: Scott Kimbrough, Ph.D.
The Capacity for EvilThe Military: Captain Lee Steele, USN
Abu Ghraib – What Went WrongHistory: Lois Becker, Ph.D.
Everyday Complicity & Resistance in Stalinist russiaThe Sciences: Andy Ouellette, Ph.D.
DNA Profiling and a Universal DNA database
Monday, February 28, 2011
Stand Up/Speak Out: Dismantling Structural and Institutional Racism in Healthcare
Time: Reception at 5:30 p.m., Program at 7:00 p.m.
Location: Florida State College at Jacksonville, Downtown Campus, Advanced Technology Center, T-140
Reservations required due to limited seating.
To RSVP, contact Brenda Sapp at (904) 899-6300 X4113 or bsapp@rrhs.org
Tuesday, March 8, 2011
Panel: Neo-Nazis and Others: the Hate Continues—Hatred and persecution did not disappear with the defeat of Hitler and the end of World War II. According to the Southern Poverty Law Center, there are 932 known hate groups operating across the country, including neo-Nazis, Klansmen, white nationalists, neo-Confederates, racist skinheads, black separatists, border vigilantes and others. And their numbers are growing. Panelists will discuss Jacksonville’s need for a campaign of awareness and action that will unite our community to confront prejudice, hate speech and violence, promote democratic ideals and strengthen pluralism.
Time: Reception at 6:00 p.m.; Program at 7:00 p.m.
Location:Atrium, Florida Coastal School of Law
Moderator: Joanmarie Ilaria Davoli, Associate Professor of Law, Florida Coastal School of Law
Panelists:
Robert Tanen
Associate Regional Director, Florida
Anti-Defamation LeagueMark Brutnell
Special Agent Supervisor
Jacksonville Regional Operations Center
Florida Department of Law EnforcementAlex Silverstein
Special Agent
Federal Bureau of InvestigationBobby Lyle
Sergeant
Intelligence/Special Investigations Unit
Jacksonville Sheriff’s OfficeNareissa L. Smith
Assistant Professor of Law
Florida Coastal School of Law
Informed Consent in Research and Mental Health Medicine

Details TBA

About Remembering for the Future Community Holocaust Initiative

Remembering for the Future is a collaborative partnership of community organizations and individuals that has promoted Holocaust education and remembrance in Northeast Florida since 2004. For more information, call (904) 246-0457.

The Holocaust Collection
Jacksonville Public Library
“Deadly Medicine: Creating the Master Race” Exhibit
Bibliography With Links to the Jacksonville Public Library Online Catalog

 

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Alfonso el Sabio: Primera crónica general de España

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Libros: regreso a las fuentes

Alfonso el Sabio: Primera crónica general de España

Alfonso X el Sabio: Primera crónica general de España que mandó componer Alfonso el Sabio y se continuaba bajo Sancho IV en 1289. Edición de Ramón Menéndez Pidal. Madrid: Gredos, 1955.

En menos de mil páginas, estos volúmenes narran desde la historia romana hasta la peninsular de reyes godos, árabes, y visigodos. Los hechos no se fundan en pruebas, documentos o especulaciones históricas sino en una variada tradición literaria y probablemente oral también. Obviamente, estos textos con ocho siglos de antigüedad, en su gramática casi original, son una fuente inagotable de datos y curiosidades lingüísticas y ortográficas, como el uso de “cuedaron” (quedaron), “quando” (cuando), de “e” en lugar de “y” y de “y” en lugar de “ahí” o las clásicas “Espanna”, “danno”, “señor” o “anno”. Es de sospechar que la “ñ” surgió para evitar la doble ene que tomaba mucho espacio en el valioso papel de las imprentas posteriores. Pero también abundan en otras curiosidades menos formales.

En una mezcla de ficción y realidad mucho más evidente para un lector contemporáneo que las crónicas de nuestro tiempo, los historiadores de Alfonso recorren, como si rescataran, historias de luchas entre persas y moros, de los árabes que conquistaron tierras africanas para su “secta” (278), de luchas entre moros y romanos, sobre la expulsión de los judíos por parte de los godos (folio 176, 284), sobre Gunderigo, el primer rey vándalo que reinó Galicia y Asturias y pobló Lugo (295) y sobre los “bárbaros de Affrica” (308). Con realismo extremo, se relata la entrada luminosa de un grupo de santos a una iglesia, hasta que el obispo se desmayó. Eran “San Pedro et San Paulo” (279).

En esta narración oficial, los godos se distinguen por su valor contra los vándalos, lo que los lleva a conquistar brevemente África y Asia. Como todos los pueblos, los godos fueron valientes porque vencieron, hasta que fueron vencidos (287).

Poco a poco y a través de las tinieblas de mil años, vamos descubriendo detalles sobre virtudes, infortunios y traiciones de reyes y obispos. Por entonces no se usaban los modernos números arábigos de hoy; los años de cada Era se indicaban escribiendo el nombre del número, “seyscientos et quarenta et quatro”. No obstante cada “estoria”, es vaga, sin datos ni fuentes, como si los escribientes del rey tocaran de oído. Por momentos, los mismos redactores encuentran ciertos períodos más bien aburridos y reconocen que “non fallamos ninguna cosa que de contar sea que a la estoria pertenezca”(282).

No hay ideas explícitas ni complejas sino un catálogo de personajes que en su momento no necesitaron presentaciones, como el obispo de Çaragoça o “Sant Alfonso boca doro”, sobrenombre de un arzobispo de Toledo muerto en 674 (283). En una época de épicas tampoco abunda la acción narrativa. Como si el propósito original hubiese sido rescatar hechos aislados o fundar los hechos futuros y no convertirse en un fenómeno de ventas como las cartas del conquistador Hernán Cortés en el siglo XVI o del aprendiz de brujo Harry Potter en el siglo XXI.

Pero si afinamos la lectura vamos descubriendo el realismo de la época, según el cual, en tiempos de Theodisto, natural de Grecia y políglota, “no se encontraba en toda España un hombre malo ni descreído.” Theodisto, no obstante, tenía maneras amables y corazón de lobo: sacó las cosas “verdaderas” de los libros y puso las “falsas” haciendo traducir del griego al árabe libros de ciencia (278). Sólo este dato es evidencia de un rasgo que caracterizará la revolución humanista más tarde, aunque con un objstivo diferente: el autor no es la autoridad; leer no es necesariamente descifrar la verdad univoca que baja del autor, el creador, confundido con Dios. La palabra humana, tanto vela como devela, tanto cubre como descubre.

Por supuesto, las referencias a las Sanctas Escripturas y a la religión son permanentes. La imagen de los hombres buenos en abundancia es idílica. Hasta que en algún momento comenzaron a aparecer algunos hombres malos en España, entre ellos dos herejes, Eluidio y Pelayo, quienes especularon sobre la virginidad de María, enseñando “errores”. Todavía no eran tiempos de Calvino, Torquemada o del General Francisco Franco por lo que los herejes no eran quemados ni ejecutados. Fueron “corridos de Espanna” (281).

A lo largo de estas antiguas páginas también vemos el poco prestigio que tenían unos cuantos reyes. La queja sobre la autoridad parece ser un tópico antiguo, aunque en la Era moderna los españoles y los americanos colonizados la descargarán casi toda en los mandos medios, exculpando pudorosa o estratégicamente al mismo rey.

Aunque Paulo se alzó contra los moros, era un mal rey que el noble pueblo godo no mereció. Su reinado se caracterizó por el caos, donde sus mismos hombres luchan y se matan entre sí hasta que es derrotado y encarcelado junto con sus seguidores. Ante el clamor de su gente, el arzobispo intercede y ruega el perdón del rey Bamba. El simulacro de tropas francesas que debían ir al rescate del rey cristiano es descubierto por Bamba. El rescate fracasa, Bamba perdona la vida de Paulo pero lo encierra. A los franceses y alemanes los perdona y a las dos semanas los extradita a sus tierras.

El rey Bamba expulsa también a los judíos y es representado como sabio y pacificador, a pesar de que dos leguas antes de llegar a Toledo, hace cortar las barbas y sacar los “oios” de Paulo y sus seguidores. Bamba entra triunfante en Toledo y mejora la vida de sus habitantes. En el “anno 717”, ordena poner a la entrada de la ciudad inscripciones de mármol en latín: Vamba… Deo rex. (294). Algo así como el recurrente “Rey por la gracia de Dios” del que echó mano el mismo generalísimo Franco en el siglo XX.

Por varias páginas, los escribas del rey Alfonso detallan los nombres de los arzobispados y los obispos que le han de obedecer a Bamba, a partir de un Concilio hecho por el mismo interesado. La abundancia de nombres, como si fuese un escrito administrativo, demuestra el valor político y administrativo de la Iglesia de la época.

Luego de nueve años de reinado, en el año 722, envenenan al rey Bamba con una yerba en el vino. Como consecuencia el rey pierde la memoria, por lo cual es retirado a un monasterio donde vive siete años más.

Varios datos nos pintan la moral de la época. Por ejemplo, los escribas mencionan a Julian, un arzobispo de Toledo que era de origen iudio. Por su piedad “salió de entre los judíos como sale la roza de entre las espinas” (301). Mencionan también al famoso rey Vitzia. Famoso por licencioso y muy bien reconocido por sus vicios: en el año 740 ordenó que los obispos podrían tener tantas mujeres como quisieran. A juzgar por esta historia oficial, era común mandar sacar los ojos de los enemigos. Lo mismo que hizo Bamba con sus derrotados, hace Vitzia con otros. Otro “pecado” que se le atribuye es haber dejado volver a los judíos y darle más privilegios que a la iglesia (306).

Jorge Majfud

Milenio (México)

 

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La irrelevancia de la razón “¿Cómo Dios pudo permitir que sucediera esto?”

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La irrelevancia de la razón

“¿Cómo Dios pudo permitir que sucediera esto?”

En 1974 Jorge Luis Borges le comentó a Ernesto Sábato que a su juicio bastaba con un dolor de muelas para negar la existencia de un Dios todopoderoso. Esta observación sería rigurosamente cierta si consideramos que el Todopoderoso es, al mismo tiempo, Todobondadoso. Si Dios permite que ocurra en el mundo un solo gramo de mal es porque quiere que ocurra o no puede evitarlo. Si de verdad existe una lucha del Bien contra el Mal, entonces Dios aún no domina su propia creación o no quiere hacerlo. O es, como dice Isaías (45-6): “Fuera de mí no hay ningún otro. Yo modelo la luz y creo la tiniebla, Yo creo la dicha y la desgracia. Yo soy Yahve, el que hago todo”. También Pedro Abelardo, después de justificar la traición de Judas con las propias Escrituras, escribió, no sin fisuras: “¿quién ignora que el mismo diablo no hace más de lo que Dios le permite? […] El poder lo recibe de Dios; la voluntad, en cambio, le viene de sí mismo”.

La idea de un dios todopoderoso y desprovisto de un solo gramo de maldad es imposible para la lógica. Pero no demuestra su inexistencia, ya que un ser perfecto debe ser in-inteligible para los mortales. Por otra parte, Dios no es una proposición científicamente refutable, al decir de Karl Popper.

De cualquier forma, una discusión teológica es como una partida de ajedrez: sus conexiones con el mundo exterior son irrelevantes. La religión es lo contrario: es una forma de acción, muchas veces política, pocas veces metafísica, aunque con frecuencia se sirve de las interminables e inconducentes discusiones teológicas.

Es extraño que algunos consideren que el ateísmo es una posición científica y no una postura religiosa como cualquier otra. Pero no es menos extraño que los religiosos, que reniegan de cualquier teoría que prescinde de alguna intervención supranatural, no descansan en su absurda obsesión por demostrar la verdad contenida en las Sagradas Escrituras. No aceptan que cualquier página considerada sagrada en cualquier religión deja de ser un objeto de fe en el preciso momento en que se convierte en un hecho científicamente demostrado. Si algo es, o parece absurdo (como poner a todas las especies del planeta en un barco y luego negar siquiera la posibilidad de que los millones de especies que hoy lo habitan fueron consecuencia de alguna evolución) y usted literalmente cree en ello, ¿qué mejor prueba de su santidad?

Más consecuentes son quienes consideran o reconocen que uno no puede comprender (completamente) los designios de Dios.

No obstante, cada vez que en el mundo ocurre una catástrofe, como el terremoto en Japón o el huracán Katrina en Nueva Orléans, se reavivan las discusiones teológicas. En algunos países como Estados Unidos, una poderosa minoría ha secuestrado el discurso social con sus amenazas patoteológicas. En el mejor de los casos, los más civilizados, apenas conocen a alguien preguntan “¿a qué iglesia va usted los domingos?”; no si uno va a alguna iglesia.

Cuando no estoy cansado respondo, “no voy a ninguna iglesia, señora, Dios me libre”. Lo cual no es del todo cierto, porque cuando paso por algún templo que me inspira, entro con permiso.

“¿Entonces, no cree usted en Dios?”.

“Creo que sí, aunque nunca le pido prosperidad ni me persigno para que mi equipo de fútbol gane. Lo único que le pido siempre a Dios es que exista”.

“¿Cómo es posible creer en Dios y no tener iglesia?”, más de una vez me han preguntado en este país, con los ojos más abiertos de lo necesario.

Con frecuencia se cita el momento que en el programa de televisión The Early Show de Nueva York, la periodista Jane Clayson le preguntó a la hija del célebre telepastor Billy Graham sobre los atentados del 11 de setiembre de 2001 en Nueva York:

“¿Cómo pudo Dios permitir que sucediera esto?”, inquirió, lo que recuerda el conocido cuestionamiento sobre Auschwitz.

La hija del pastor respondió:

“Al igual que nosotros, creo que Dios está profundamente triste por este suceso, pero durante años hemos estado diciéndole que salga de nuestras escuelas, que salga de nuestro gobierno y que salga de nuestras vidas. Y siendo el caballero que es, creo que Dios ha resuelto retirarse. ¿Cómo podemos esperar que Dios nos dé Su bendición y Su protección cuando le hemos exigido que nos deje solos?”

En todo el mundo se repitió, no sin emoción y lágrimas, este momento como “una respuesta profunda y sabia que dejó muda a Jane Clayson”.

Sin duda que hay que tener una fe muy profunda para creer que el creador del Universo actúa como un niño resentido unas veces o como un amante celoso otras. Pero esto es una cuestión de opinión. Lo que no es materia de discusión es el hecho de que los terroristas que perpetraron los atentados del 11 de setiembre tenían la misma opinión de Virginia Graham Foreman. Sobre todo, odiaban el tipo de decadencia humanista y secular que por mucho tiempo caracterizó el experimento histórico de este país, que las teocracias odiaron y que las nuevas republicas iberoamericanas intentaron copiar en el siglo XIX. Sus “padres fundadores” no fueron religiosos conservadores como cree la mayoría de los norteamericanos (¿cómo un conservador puede hacer algo revolucionario como fundar un país diferente o una nueva religión?) sino una elite de políticos humanistas que había diseñado y logrado, por primera vez, un gobierno y un Estado separado, por ley y en sus prácticas, de todo tipo de injerencia religiosa. Y por primera vez, un Estado que se fundase, al menos en teoría, en la igualdad como paradigma. No porque odiaran a Dios sino porque creían en el derecho a la libertad de los individuos (antes de excluir a los esclavos) y en un tipo radical, para la época, de democracia moderna como alternativa a las teocracias y las monarquías absolutistas.

Salvo algunos teólogos, los predicadores no necesitan ser racionales. Les basta con un par de aforismos para niños porque saben que los respalda la fe ciega de quienes lo siguen. Más que el Amor los protege el Miedo. Así logran confundir a Dios con sus propias religiones y las opiniones de sus pastores y sacerdotes con la opinión más reciente de Dios.

También Torquemada fue llamado “luz de España y el salvador del país” por enviar a la hoguera a los herejes. También Francisco Franco acuñó monedas que rezaban “Caudillo de España por la gracia de Dios” por el mismo mérito. Lo que prueba que hay amores que matan.

Pero no juzguemos a Dios por sus seguidores.

Claro que el racionalismo de los últimos tres siglos se convirtió en otra forma de fanatismo; también religioso, si se quiere. Pero tampoco fue culpa de la Razón sino de una reacción ciega que terminó negando todo lo irracional y espiritual que también forman parte de la condición humana.

En los países occidentales de hoy, la mayoría con gobiernos e instituciones públicas basadas en las ideas humanistas de libertad y laicidad, ya no se pueden quemar individuos por razones de opinión. Al menos no sin una buena excusa. Esto no fue un logro de ninguna religión sino a pesar de casi todas las religiones del momento. Fue un logro de los humanistas que lentamente liquidaron las teocracias y el fanatismo religioso que poco o nada tenían que ver con Dios.

Jorge Majfud

marzo 2011

Jacksonville University

majfud.org

Milenio (México)


Aprender idiomas es la mejor gimnasia cerebral para prevenir el Alzheimer

language variety on cadbury's choc
WASHINGTON (EFE).— Aprender idiomas es la mejor gimnasia cerebral que existe, ya que no sólo proporciona la capacidad de comunicarse con otros, sino previene demencias seniles como el Alzheimer, aseguró hoy un panel de expertos en Washington.
Durante la reunión anual de la Asociación Estadounidense para el Avance de la Ciencia (AAAS), los investigadores indicaron que los estudios realizados con individuos en diferentes etapas de aprendizaje, desde los bebes hasta los adultos, han demostrado que las personas bilingües tienen mayores capacidades de concentración y aprendizaje.
«Dicen que los niños que tienen dos idiomas parece que lo tienen más confuso pero eso no es así, ya que desde muy pequeños aprenden a separar los idiomas y evitan las interferencias», señaló la doctora María Teresa Bajo, del departamento de psicología experimental de la Universidad de Granada.
Los idiomas tienen estructuras diferentes y requieren estructuras cognitivas diferentes, aseguró, pero está demostrado que los niños que aprenden dos idiomas, ya sea castellano y catalán, que tienen una raíz común, o sean dos idiomas totalmente diferentes, inglés y francés, tienen la memoria activa en todo momento.
Esto beneficia a la capacidad de concentración a la hora de realizar una tarea cuando hay otros que interfiere la atención, y ayuda a desarrollar más algunas partes del cerebro.
Según explicó, los niños bilingües son capaces de cambiar de un idioma a otro sin dificultad y a diferencia de quien aprende un idioma de adulto, que tiene que dejar de pensar en uno para centrarse en el otro, ellos mantienen abiertos los dos canales.
Alternar entre las lenguas permite a las personas bilingües ejercer sus mentes de manera más eficaz que las personas que hablan un solo idioma, aseguró.
«Los niños bilingües son capaces de alguna manera de negociar entre la competencia de las lenguas, lo que incrementa sus habilidades cognitivas y les hace más capaces a la hora de realizar varias tareas a la vez», señaló.
Pero no sólo ser bilingüe, sino también aprender un idioma de adulto puede ayudar a retrasar los efectos del envejecimiento, según explicó la doctora Ellen Bialystok, profesora de Psicología de la Universidad de York en Toronto (Canadá).
Bialystok mostró los resultados de un estudio realizado con 450 pacientes con Alzhemier. La mitad había hablado dos lenguas la mayor parte de su vida y el resto sólo una y encontró que, a las personas que hablaban más de un idioma empezaron a mostrar los síntomas y se les diagnosticó la enfermedad entre 4 y 5 años más tarde.
La doctora coincidió en señalar que una de las razones por las que el bilingüismo es un potente mecanismo de protección de los síntomas de demencia es que mantienen el cerebro activo.
«Son como un gimnasio para el cerebro», dijo.
Pero Bialystok señaló que no hace falta ser bilingüe para disfrutar de los beneficios que aportan los idiomas ya que incluso aunque se empiece a estudiar a los 50 años o a edades en las que es poco probable que se llegue a ser bilingüe «se está contribuyendo a una reserva cognitiva a través de actividades muy intensas», dijo.
Los estudios neuronales de las personas bilingües abren una nueva vía para identificar las partes más débiles del cerebro en los adultos a la hora de aprender un idioma y potenciarlas.
En la Universidad de Maryland, los científicos estudian la forma de identificar a los adultos que serían buenos candidatos para dominar un nuevo idioma según explicó la directora adjunta del Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Lingüística, Amy Weinberg.
También están desarrollando métodos para ayudar a mantener y mejorar las habilidades lingüísticas en adultos.
Los panelistas señalaron que otras actividades como completar pasatiempos como sudokus o sopas de letras también ayudan, pero los idiomas son un de las maneras más completas de mantener el cerebro en forma.

fuente>>

The Slow Suicide of the West

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El lento suicidio de Occidente (Spanish)

The Slow Suicide of the West

Jorge Majfud

The West appears, suddenly, devoid of its greatest virtues, constructed century after century, preoccupied now only with reproducing its own defects and with copying the defects of others, such as authoritarianism and the preemptive persecution of innocents. Virtues like tolerance and self-criticism have never been a weakness, as some now pretend, but quite the opposite: it was because of them that progress, both ethical and material, were possible. Both the greatest hope and the greatest danger for the West can be found in its own heart. Those of us who hold neither “Rage” nor “Pride” for any race or culture feel nostalgia for times gone by, times that were never especially good, but were not so bad either.

Currently, some celebrities from back in the 20th century, demonstrating an irreversible decline into senility, have taken to propagating the famous ideology of the “clash of civilizations” – which was already plenty vulgar all by itself – basing their reasoning on their own conclusions, in the best style of classical theology. Such is the a priori and 19th century assertion that “Western culture is superior to all others.” And, if that were not enough, that it is a moral obligation to repeat it.

From this perspective of Western Superiority, the very famous Italian journalist Oriana Fallaci wrote, recently, brilliant observations such as the following: “If in some countries the women are so stupid as to accept the chador and even the veil, so much the worse for them. (…) And if their husbands are so idiotic as to not drink wine or beer, idem.” Wow, that is what I call intellectual rigor. “How disgusting!” – she continued writing, first in the Corriere della Sera and later in her best seller The Rage and the Pride (Rizzoli International, 2002), referring to the Africans who had urinated in a plaza in Italy – “They piss for a long time these sons of Allah! A race of hypocrites.” “Even if they were absolutely innocent, even if there were not one among them who wished to destroy the Tower of Pisa or the Tower of Giotto, nobody who wished to make me wear the chador, nobody who wished to burn me on the bonfires of a new Inquisition, their presence alarms me. It makes me uneasy.” Summing up: even if these blacks were completely innocent, their presence makes her uneasy anyway. For Fallaci, this is not racism; it is “cold, lucid, rational rage.” And, if that were not enough, she offers another ingenious observation with reference to immigrants in general: “And besides, there is something else I don’t understand. If they are really so poor, who gives them the money for the trip on the planes or boats that bring them to Italy? Might Osama bin Laden be paying their way, at least in part?” …Poor Galileo, poor Camus, poor Simone de Beauvoir, poor Michel Foucault.

Incidentally, we should remember that, even though the lady writes without understanding – she said it herself – these words ended up in a book that has sold a half million copies, a book with no shortage of reasoning and common sense, as when she asserts “I am an atheist, thank God.” Nor does it lack in historical curiosities like the following: “How does one accept polygamy and the principle that women should not allow photographs to be taken of them? Because this is also in the Q’uran,” which means that in the 7th century Arabs were extremely advanced in the area of optics. Nor is the book lacking in repeated doses of humor, as with these weighty arguments: “And, besides, let’s admit it: our cathedrals are more beautiful than the mosques and synagogues, yes or no? Protestant churches are also more beautiful.” As Atilio says, she has the Shine of Brigitte Bardot. As if what we really needed was to get wrapped up in a discussion of which is more beautiful, the Tower of Pisa or the Taj Mahal. And once again that European tolerance: “I am telling you that, precisely because it has been well defined for centuries, our cultural identity cannot support a wave of immigration composed of people who, in one form or another, want to change our way of life. Our values. I am telling you that among us there is no room for muezzins, for minarets, for false abstinence, for their screwed up medieval ways, for their damned chador. And if there were, I would not give it to them.” And finally, concluding with a warning to her editor: “I warn you: do not ask me for anything else ever again. Least of all that I participate in vain polemics. What I needed to say I have said. My rage and pride have demanded it of me.” Something which had already been clear to us from the beginning and, as it happens, denies us one of the basic elements of both democracy and tolerance, dating to ancient Greece: polemics and the right to respond – the competition of arguments instead of insults.

But I do not possess a name as famous as Fallaci – a fame well-deserved, we have no reason to doubt – and so I cannot settle for insults. Since I am native to an under-developed country and am not even as famous as Maradona, I have no other choice than to take recourse to the ancient custom of using arguments.

Let’s see. The very expression “Western culture” is just as mistaken as the terms “Eastern culture” or “Islamic culture,” because each one of them is made up of a diverse and often contradictory collection of other “cultures.” One need only think of the fact that within “Western culture” one can fit not only countries as different as the United States and Cuba, but also irreconcilable historical periods within the same geographic region, such as tiny Europe and the even tinier Germany, where Goethe and Adolf Hitler, Bach and the skin-heads, have all walked the earth. On the other hand, let’s not forget also that Hitler and the Ku Klux Klan (in the name of Christ and the White Race), Stalin (in the name of Reason and atheism), Pinochet (in the name of Democracy and Liberty), and Mussolini (in his own name), were typical recent products and representatives of the self-proclaimed “Western culture.” What is more Western than democracy and concentration camps? What could be more Western that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the dictatorships in Spain and Latin America, bloody and degenerate beyond the imagination? What is more Western than Christianity, which cured, saved and assassinated thanks to the Holy Office? What is more Western than the modern military academies or the ancient monasteries where the art of torture was taught, with the most refined sadism, and by the initiative of Pope Innocent IV and based on Roman Law? Or did Marco Polo bring all of that back from the Middle East? What could be more Western than the atomic bomb and the millions of dead and disappeared under the fascist, communist and, even, “democratic” regimes? What more Western than the military invasions and suppression of entire peoples under the so-called “preemptive bombings”?

All of this is the dark side of the West and there is no guarantee that we have escaped any of it, simply because we haven’t been able to communicate with our neighbors, who have been there for more than 1400 years, with the only difference that now the world has been globalized (the West has globalized it) and the neighbors possess the main source of energy that moves the world’s economy – at least for the moment – in addition to the same hatred and the same rencor as Oriana Fallaci. Let’s not forget that the Spanish Inquisition, more of a state-run affair than the others, originated from a hostility to the moors and jews and did not end with the Progress and Salvation of Spain but with the burning of thousands of human beings.

Nevertheless, the West also represents Democracy, Freedom, Human Rights and the struggle for women’s rights. At least the effort to attain them, and the most that humanity has achieved so far. And what has always been the basis of those four pillars, if not tolerance?

Fallaci would have us believe that “Western culture” is a unique and pure product, without the Other’s participation. But if anything characterizes the West, it has been precisely the opposite: we are the result of countless cultures, beginning with the Hebrew culture (to say nothing of Amenophis IV) and continuing through almost all the rest: through the Caldeans, the Greeks, the Chinese, the Hindus, the southern Africans, the northern Africans and the rest of the cultures that today are uniformly described as “Islamic.” Until recently, it would not have been necessary to remember that, while in Europe – in all of Europe – the Christian Church, in the name of Love, was persecuting, torturing and burning alive those who disagreed with the ecclesiastical authorities or committed the sin of engaging in some kind of research (or simply because they were single women, which is to say, witches), in the Islamic world the arts and sciences were being promoted, and not only those of the Islamic region but of the Chinese, Hindus, Jews and Greeks. And nor does this mean that butterflies flew and violins played everywhere. Between Baghdad and Córdoba the geographical distance was, at the time, almost astronomical.

But Oriana Fallacia not only denies the diverse and contradictory composition of any of the cultures in conflict, but also, in fact, refuses to acknowledge the Eastern counterpart as a culture at all. “It bothers me even to speak of two cultures,” she writes. And then she dispatches the matter with an incredible display of historical ignorance: “Placing them on the same level, as if they were parallel realities, of equal weight and equal measure. Because behind our civilization are Homer, Socrates, Plato, Aristotle and Phidias, among many others. There is ancient Greece with its Parthenon and its discovery of Democracy. There is ancient Rome with its grandeur, its laws and its conception of the Law. With its sculpture, its literature and its architecture. Its palaces and its amphitheaters, its aqueducts, its bridges and its roads.”

Is it really necessary to remind Fallaci that among all of that and all of us one finds the ancient Islamic Empire, without which everything would have burned – I am talking about the books and the people, not the Coliseum – thanks to centuries of ecclesiastical terrorism, quite European and quite Western? And with regard to the grandeur of Rome and “its conception of the Law” we will talk another day, because here there is indeed some black and white worth remembering. Let’s also set aside for the moment Islamic literature and architecture, which have nothing to envy in Fallaci’s Rome, as any half-way educated person knows.

Let’s see, and lastly? “Lastly – writes Fallaci – there is science. A science that has discovered many illnesses and cures them. I am alive today, for the time being, thanks to our science, not Mohammed’s. A science that has changed the face of this planet with electricity, the radio, the telephone, the television… Well then, let us ask now the fatal question: and behind the other culture, what is there?”

The fatal answer: behind our science one finds the Egyptians, the Caldeans, the Hindus, the Greeks, the Chinese, the Arabs, the Jews and the Africans. Or does Fallaci believe that everything arose through spontaneous generation in the last fifty years? She needs to be reminded that Pythagoras took his philosophy from Egypt and Caldea (Iraq) – including his famous mathematical formula, which we use not only in architecture but also in the proof of Einstein’s Special Theory of Relativity – as did that other wise man and mathematician Thales. Both of them traveled through the Middle East with their minds more open than Fallaci’s when she made the trip. The hypothetical-deductive method – the basis for scientific epistemology – originated among Egyptian priests (start with Klimovsky, please), zero and the extraction of square roots, as well as innumerable mathematical and astronomical discoveries, which we teach today in grade school, were born in India and Iraq; the alphabet was invented by the Phoenicians (ancient Lebanese), who were also responsible for the first form of globalization known to the world. The zero was not an invention of the Arabs, but of the Hindus, but it was the former who brought it to the West. By contrast, the advanced Roman Empire not only was unfamiliar with zero – without which it would be impossible to imagine modern mathematics and space travel – but in fact possessed an unwieldy system of counting and calculation that endured until the late Middle Ages. Through to the early Renaissance there were still businessmen who used the Roman system, refusing to exchange it for Arabic numerals, due to racial and religious prejudices, resulting in all kinds of mathematical errors and social disputes. Meanwhile, perhaps it is better to not even mention that the birth of the Modern Era began with European cultural contact – after long centuries of religious repression – first with Islamic culture and then with Greek culture. Or did anyone think that the rationalism of the Scholastics was a consequence of the practice of torture in the holy dungeons? In the early 12th century, the Englishman Adelard of Bath undertook an extensive voyage of study through the south of Europe, Syria and Palestine. Upon returning from his trip, Adelard introduced into under-developed England a paradigm that even today is upheld by famous scientists like Stephen Hawking: God had created Nature in such a way that it could be studied and explained without His intervention. (Behold the other pillar of the sciences, rejected historically by the Roman Church.) Indeed, Adelard reproached the thinkers of his time for having allowed themselves to be enthralled by the prestige of the authorities – beginning with Aristotle, clearly. Because of them he made use of the slogan “reason against authority,” and insisted he be called “modernus.” “I have learned from my Arab teachers to take reason as a guide – he wrote – but you only adhere to what authority says.” A compatriot of Fallaci, Gerardo de Cremona, introduced to Europe the writings of the “Iraqi” astronomer and mathematician Al-Jwarizmi, inventor of algebra, of algorithms, of Arabic and decimal calculus; translated Ptolemy from the Arabic – since even the astronomical theory of an official Greek like Ptolemy could not be found in Christian Europe – as well as dozens of medical treatises, like those of Ibn Sina and Irani al-Razi, author of the first scientific treatise on smallpox and measles, for which today he might have been the object of some kind of persecution.

We could continue listing examples such as these, which the Italian journalist ignores, but that would require an entire book and is not the most important thing at the moment.

What is at stake today is not only protecting the West against the terrorists, home-grown and foreign, but – and perhaps above all – protecting the West from itself. The reproduction of any one of its most monstrous events would be enough to lose everything that has been attained to date with respect to Human Rights. Beginning with respect for diversity. And it is highly probable that such a thing could occur in the next ten years, if we do not react in time.

The seed is there and it only requires a little water. I have heard dozens of times the following expression: “the only good thing that Hitler did was kill all those Jews.” Nothing more and nothing less. And I have not heard it from the mouth of any Muslim – perhaps because I live in a country where they practically do not exist – nor even from anyone of Arab descent. I have heard it from neutral creoles and from people of European descent. Each time I hear it I need only respond in the following manner in order to silence my interlocutor: “What is your last name? Gutiérrez, Pauletti, Wilson, Marceau… Then, sir, you are not German, much less a pure Aryan. Which means that long before Hitler would have finished off the Jews he would have started by killing your grandparents and everyone else with a profile and skin color like yours.” We run the same risk today: if we set about persecuting Arabs or Muslims we will not only be proving that we have learned nothing, but we will also wind up persecuting those like them: Bedouins, North Africans, Gypsies, Southern Spaniards, Spanish Jews, Latin American Jews, Central Americans, Southern Mexicans, Northern Mormons, Hawaiians, Chinese, Hindus, and so on.

Not long ago another Italian, Umberto Eco, summed up a sage piece of advice thusly: “We are a plural civilization because we permit mosques to be built in our countries, and we cannot renounce them simply because in Kabul they throw Christian propagandists in jail […] We believe that our culture is mature because it knows how to tolerate diversity, and members of our culture who don’t tolerate it are barbarians.”

As Freud and Jung used to say, that act which nobody would desire to commit is never the object of a prohibition; and as Boudrillard said, rights are established when they have been lost. The Islamic terrorists have achieved what they wanted, twice over. The West appears, suddenly, devoid of its greatest virtues, constructed century after century, preoccupied now only with reproducing its own defects and with copying the defects of others, such as authoritarianism and the preemptive persecution of innocents. So much time imposing its culture on the other regions of the planet, to allow itself now to impose a morality that in its better moments was not even its own. Virtues like tolerance and self-criticism never represented its weakness, as some would now have it, but quite the opposite: only because of them was any kind of progress possible, whether ethical or material. Democracy and Science never developed out of the narcissistic reverence for its own culture but from critical opposition within it. And in this enterprise were engaged, until recently, not only the “damned intellectuals” but many activist and social resistance groups, like the bourgeoisie in the 18th century, the unions in the 20th century, investigative journalism until a short time ago, now replaced by propaganda in these miserable times of ours. Even the rapid destruction of privacy is another symptom of that moral colonization. Only instead of religious control we will be controlled by Military Security. The Big Brother who hears all and sees all will end up forcing upon us masks similar to those we see in the East, with the sole objective of not being recognized when we walk down the street or when we make love.

The struggle is not – nor should it be – between Easterners and Westerners; the struggle is between tolerance and imposition, between diversity and homogenization, between respect for the other and scorn and his annihilation. Writings like Fallaci’s The Rage and the Pride are not a defense of Western culture but a cunning attack, an insulting broadside against the best of what Western culture has to offer. Proof of this is that it would be sufficient to swap the word Eastern for Western, and a geographical locale or two, in order to recognize the position of a Taliban fanatic. Those of us who have neither Rage nor Pride for any particular race or culture are nostalgic for times gone by, which were never especially good or especially bad.

A few years ago I was in the United States and I saw there a beautiful mural in the United Nations building in New York, if I remember correctly, where men and women from distinct races and religions were visually represented – I think the composition was based on a somewhat arbitrary pyramid, but that is neither here nor there. Below, with gilded letters, one could read a commandment taught by Confucius in China and repeated for millennia by men and women throughout the East, until it came to constitute a Western principle: “Do unto others as you would have them do unto you.” In English it sounds musical, and even those who do not know the language sense that it refers to a certain reciprocity between oneself and others. I do not understand why we should scratch that commandment from our walls – founding principle for any democracy and for the rule of law, founding principle for the best dreams of the West – simply because others have suddenly forgotten it. Or they have exchanged it for an ancient biblical principle that Christ took it upon himself to abolish: “an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.” Which at present translates as an inversion of the Confucian maxim, something like: do unto others everything that they have done to you – the well-known, endless story.

Translated by Bruce Campbell

Jorge Majfud,

Originally publish in La República, Montevideo, January 8, 2003

https://www.commondreams.org/views/2019/09/08/slow-suicide-west

The Slow Suicide of the West [El lento suicidio de Occidente]

 

https://www.commondreams.org/views/2019/09/08/slow-suicide-west
https://mronline.org/2006/11/14/majfud141106-html/: The Slow Suicide of the West

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Rock Democracies, Paper Freedoms, Scissors Securities

Hernán Cortés briefly established his own auth...

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Democracias de piedra, Libertades de papel, seguridades de tijera

Rock Democracies, Paper Freedoms, Scissors Securities

Jorge Majfud

The University of Georgia

Ten years ago, contradicting the postmodernist wave, we developed in Crítica de la pasión pura (Critique of Pure Passion) the idea of morality as a form of collective conscience.  In the same way that a school of fish or a swarm of bees acts and develops as one body, in the same way that James Lovelock understood Gaia – Planet Earth – as one living body, we could also understand Humanity as one conscience in development, with some common and basic values that transcend cultural differences.

These values are based, overwhelmingly, on the renunciation of the individual in favor of the group, on the conscience that supercedes the more primitive precept of the survival of the fittest, as mere individuals in competition.  That is how the representation of the hero and of any other positive figure emerges throughout history.

The problem, the betrayal, is produced when these values become myths at the service of classes and sects in power.  The worst thing that can happen to freedom is for it to be turned into a statue.  The “conflicts of interests,” normally presented as natural, from a broader perspective would represent a pathology.  A culture that supports and legitimizes this betrayal of the conscience of the species should be seen – to use the same metaphor – as a self-destructive phobia of that species conscience.

Probably a form of radical democracy will be the next step humanity is ready to take.  How will we know when this step is being produced?  We need signs.

One strong sign will be when the administration of meaning ceases to lie in the hands of elites, especially of political elites.  Representative democracy represents what is reactionary about our times.  But direct democracy will not come about through any brusque revolution, led by individuals, since it is, by definition, a cultural process where the majority begins to claim and share social power.  When this occurs, the parliaments of the world will be what the royals of England are today: an onerous adornment from the past, an illusion of continuity.

Every time “public opinion” changes brusquely after an official speech, after an electoral campaign, after a bombardment of advertising – power that always flows from the money of a minority – we must understand that that next step remains far from being consolidated.  When publics become independent of the speeches, when the speeches and social narrations no longer depend on the powerful minorities, we will be able to think about certain advance toward direct democracy.

Let’s look briefly at this problematic of the struggle over meaning.

There are words with scarce social interest and others that are disputed treasure, territory claimed by different antagonistic groups.  In the first category we can recognize words like umbrella, glycemia, fame, hurricane, nice, anxiety, etc.  In the second category we find terms like freedom, democracy and justice (we will call these ideolexicons).  Reality and normal are also highly conflictive terms, but generally they are restricted to philosophical speculation.  Unless they are instruments – like the definition of normal – they are not direct objectives of social power.

The eternal struggle for social power creates a partisan culture made visible by the so-called political parties.  In general, it is these same parties that make possible the continuity of a particular social power by creating the illusion of a possible change.  Because of this culture, we tend to adopt a position with respect to each social problem instead of a dispassionate analysis of it.  Ideological loyalty or self love should not be involved in these cases, but we cannot deny that they are fundamental pieces of the dialectical dispute and they weigh on us all.

All conflict is established in a present time but recurs obsessively to a prestigious, consolidated past.  Recurring to that same history, each antagonistic group, whether in Mexico or in the United States, will seek to conquer the semantic field with different narrations, each one of which will have as a requirement the unity and continuity of that narrative thread.  Rarely do the groups in dispute prove something; generally they narrate.  Like in a traditional novel, the narration does not depend so much on facts external to the story as on the internal coherence and verisimilitude possessed by that narration.  For that reason, when one of the actors in the dispute – a congressional representative, a president – recognizes an error, this becomes a greater crack in the story than if reality contradicted him every day.  Why?  Because the imagination is stronger than reality and the latter, generally speaking, cannot be observed except through a discourse, a narration.

The difference lies in which interests are moved by each narration.  A slave receiving lashes of the whip and giving thanks for the favor received is not the same as another version of the facts which questions that concept of justice.  Perhaps objectivity does not exist, but the presumption of reality and, therefore, of a possible truth will always exist.

One of the more common methods used to administer or dispute the meaning of each term, of each concept, is semantic association.  It is the same resource that allows advertising to freely associate a shaving cream with economic success or an automotive lubricant with sexual success.

When the value of racial integration found itself in dispute in the social discourse of the 1950s and 1960s in the United States, various groups of southern whites marched through the streets carrying placards that declared: Race mixing is communism (Time, August 24, 1959).  The same placard in Poland would have been a declaration in favor of racial integration, but in the times of McCarthy it meant quite the contrary: the word communism had been consolidated as a negative ideolect.  The meaning was not disputed.  Anything that might be associated with that demon was condemned to death or at least to failure.

Recent history tells us that that association failed, at least in the collective narration about the value of “racial integration.”  So much so that today the banner of diversity is used as an inarguable axiom.  Which is why the new racists must integrate to their own purposes narratives of diversity as a positive value in order to develop a new narration against immigrants.

In other cases the mechanism is similar.  Recently, a U.S. legislator, criticized for calling Miami “third world,” declared that he is in favor of diversity as long as a single language and a single culture is imposed on the entire country, (World Net Daily, December 13) and there are no “extensive ethnic neighborhoods where English is not spoken and that are controlled by foreign cultures.” (Diario de las Américas, November 11)

All hegemonic power needs a moral legitimation and this is achieved by constructing a narration that integrates those ideolexicons that are not in dispute.  When Hernán Cortés or Pizarro cut off hands and heads they did it in the name of divine justice and by order of God.  Incipiently the idea of liberation began to emerge.  The messianic powers of the moment understood that by imposing their own religion and their own culture, almost always by force, they were liberating the primitive Americans from idolatry.

Today the ideolexicon democracy has been imposed in such a way that it is even used to name authoritarian and theocratic systems. Minority groups that decide every day the difference between life and death for thousands of people, if indeed in private they don’t devalue the old argument of salvation and divine justice, tend to prefer in public the less problematic banner of democracy and freedom.  Both ideolexicon are so positive that their imposition is justified even if it is intravenously.

Because they imposed a culture by force the Spanish conquistadors are remembered as barbaric.  Those who do the same today are motivated, this time for sure, by good reasons: democracy, freedom – our values, which are always the best.  But jast as the heroes of yesterday are today’s barbarians, the heroes of today will be the barbarians of tomorrow.

If morality and its most basic extracts represent the collective conscience of the species, it is probable that direct democracy will come to signify a form of collective thought.  Paradoxically, collective thinking is incompatible with uniform thinking.  This for reasons noted previously: uniform thinking can be the result of a sectarian interest, a class interest, a national interest.  In contrast, collective thinking is perfected in the diversity of all possibilities, acting in benefit of Humanity and not on behalf of minorities in conflict.

In a similar scenario, it is not difficult to imagine a new era with fewer sectarian conflicts and absurd wars that only benefit seven powerful riders, while entire nations die, fanatically or unwilling, in the name of order, freedom and justice.

February 2007

Translated by Bruce Campbell

Humanism, the West’s Last Great Utopia

Jean-Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir at Bal...

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El humanismo, la última gran utopía de Occidente (Spanish)

Humanism, the West’s Last Great Utopia

Jorge Majfud

The University of Georgia

One of the characteristics of conservative thought throughout modern history has been to see the world as a collection of more or less independent, isolated, and incompatible compartments.   In its discourse, this is simplified in a unique dividing line: God and the devil, us and them, the true men and the barbaric ones.  In its practice, the old obsession with borders of every kind is repeated: political, geographic, social, class, gender, etc.  These thick walls are raised with the successive accumulation of two parts fear and one part safety.

Translated into a postmodern language, this need for borders and shields is recycled and sold as micropolitics, which is to say, a fragmented thinking (propaganda) and a localist affirmation of  social problems in opposition to a more global and structural vision of the Modern Era gone by.

These regions are mental, cultural, religious, economic and political, which is why they find themselves in conflict with humanistic principles that prescribe the recognition of diversity at the same time as an implicit equality on the deepest and most valuable level of the present chaos. On the basis of this implicit principle arose the aspiration to sovereignty of the states some centuries ago: even between two kings, there could be no submissive relationship; between two sovereigns there could only be agreements, not obedience.  The wisdom of this principle was extended to the nations, taking written form in the first constitution of the United States.  Recognizing common men and women as subjects of law (“We the people…”) was the response to personal and class-based absolutisms, summed up in the outburst of Luis XIV, “l’Etat c’est Moi.”  Later, the humanist idealism of the first draft of that constitution was relativized, excluding the progressive utopia of abolishing slavery.

Conservative thought, on the other hand, traditionally has proceeded in an inverse form: if the regions are all different, then there are some that are better than others.  This last observation would be acceptable for humanism if it did not contain explicitly  one of the basic principles of conservative thought: our island, our bastion is always the best.  Moreover: our region is the region chosen by God and, therefore, it should prevail at any price.  We know it because our leaders receive in their dreams the divine word.  Others, when they dream, are delirious.

Thus, the world is a permanent competition that translates into mutual threats and, finally, into war.  The only option for the survival of the best, of the strongest, of the island chosen by God is to vanquish, annihilate the other.  There is nothing strange in the fact that conservatives throughout the world define themselves as religious individuals and, at the same time, they are the principal defenders of weaponry, whether personal or governmental.  It is, precisely, the only they tolerate about the State: the power to organize a great army in which to place all of the honor of a nation.  Health and education, in contrast, must be “personal responsibilities” and not a tax burden on the wealthiest.  According to this logic, we owe our lives to the soldiers, not to the doctors, just like the workers owe their daily bread to the rich

At the same time that the conservatives hate Darwin’s Theory of Evolution, they are radical partisans of the law of the survival of the fittest, not applied to all species but to men and women, to countries and societies of all kinds.  What is more Darwinian than the roots of corporations and capitalism?

For the suspiciously celebrated professor of Harvard, Samuel Huntington, “imperialism is the logic and necessary consequence of universalism.”  For us humanists, no: imperialism is just the arrogance of one region that imposes itself by force on the rest, it is the annihilation of that universality, it is the imposition of uniformity in the name of universality.

Humanist universality is something else: it is the progressive maturation of a consciousness of liberation from physical, moral and intellectual slavery, of both the opressed and the oppressor in the final instant.  And there can be no full consciousness if it is not global: one region is not liberated by oppressing the others, woman is not liberated by oppressing man, and so on.  With a certain lucidity but without moral reaction, Huntington himself reminds us: “The West did not conquer the world through the superiority of its ideas, values or religion, but through its superiority in applying organized violence.  Westerners tend to forget this fact, non-Westerners never forget it.”

Conservative thought also differs from progressive thought because of its conception of history: if for the one history is inevitably degraded (as in the ancient religious conception or in the conception of the five metals of Hesiod) for the other it is a process of advancement or of evolution.  If for one we live in the best of all possible worlds, although always threatened by changes, for the other the world is far from being the image of paradise and justice, for which reason individual happiness is not possible in the midst of others’ pain.

For progressive humanism there are no healthy individuals in a sick society, just as there is no healthy society that includes sick individuals.  A healthy man is no possible with a grave problem of the liver or in the heart, like a healthy heart is not possible in a depressed or schizophrenic man.  Although a rich man is defined by his difference from the poor, nobody is truly rich when surrounded by poverty.

Humanism, as we conceive of it here, is the integrating evolution of human consciousness that transcends cultural differences.  The clash of civilizations, the wars stimulated by sectarian, tribal and nationalist interests can only be viewed as the defects of that geopsychology.

Now, we should recognize that the magnificent paradox of humanism is double: 1) it consisted of a movement that in great measure arose from the Catholic religious orders of the 14th century and later discovered a secular dimension of the human creature, and in addition 2) was a movement which in principle revalorized the dimension of man as an individual in order to achieve, in the 20th century, the discovery of society in its fullest sense.

I refer, on this point, to the conception of the individual as opposed to individuality, to the alienation of man and woman in society.  If the mystics of the 14th century focused on their self as a form of liberation, the liberation movements of the 20th century, although apparently failed, discovered that that attitude of the monastery was not moral from the moment it became selfish: one cannot be fully happy in a world filled with pain.  Unless it is the happiness of the indifferent.  But it is not due to some type of indifference toward another’s pain that morality of any kind is defined in any part of the world.  Even monasteries and the most closed communities, traditionally have been given the luxury of separation from the sinful world thanks to subsidies and quotas that originated from the sweat of the brow of sinners.  The Amish in the United States, for example, who today use horses so as not to contaminate themselves with the automotive industry, are surrounded by materials that have come to them, in one form or another, through a long mechanical process and often from the exploitation of their fellow man.  We ourselves, who are scandalized by the exploitation of children in the textile mills of India or on plantations in Africa and Latin America, consume, in one form or another, those products.  Orthopraxia would not eliminate the injustices of the world – according to our humanist vision – but we cannot renounce or distort that conscience in order to wash away our regrets.  If we no longer expect that a redemptive revolution will change reality so that the latter then changes consciences, we must still try, nonetheless, not to lose collective and global conscience in order to sustain a progressive change, authored by nations and not by a small number of enlightened people.

According to our vision, which we identify with the latest stage of humanism, the individual of conscience cannot avoid social commitment: to change society so that the latter may give birth, at each step, to a new, morally superior individual.  The latest humanism evolves in this new utopian dimension and radicalizes some of the principles of the Modern Era gone by, such as the rebellion of the masses.  For which reason we can formulate the dilemma: it is not a matter of left or right but of forward or backward.  It is not a matter of choosing between religion or secularism.  It is a matter of a tension between humanism and tribalism, between a diverse and unitary conception of humanity and another, opposed one: the fragmented and hierarchical vision whose purpose is to prevail, to impose the values of one tribe on the others and at the same time to deny any kind of evolution.

This is the root of the modern and postmodern conflict.  Both The End of History and The Clash of Civilizations attempt to cover up what we understand to be the true problem: there is no dichotomy between East and West, between us and them, only between the radicalization of humanism (in its historical sense) and the conservative reaction that still holds world power, although in retreat – and thus its violence.

Translated by Bruce Campbell

Ten Lashes Against Humanism

Erasmus in 1523, by Hans Holbein

Image via Wikipedia

Diez azotes contra el humanismo (Spanish)

Ten Lashes Against Humanism

 

Jorge Majfud

A minor tradition in conservative thought is the definition of the dialectical adversary as mentally deficient and lacking in morality. As this never constitutes an argument, the outburst is covered up with some fragmented and repetitious reasoning, proper to the postmodern thought of political propaganda. It is no accident that in Latin America other writers repeat the US experience, with books like Manual del perfecto idiota latinoamericano (Manual for the Perfect Latin American Idiot, 1996) or making up lists about Los diez estúpidos más estúpidos de América Latina (The Top Ten Stupid People in Latin America). A list that is usually headed up, with elegant indifference, by our friend, the phoenix Eduardo Galeano. They have killed him off so many times he has grown accustomed to being reborn.

As a general rule, the lists of the ten stupidest people in the United States tend to be headed up by intellectuals. The reason for this particularity was offered some time ago by a military officer of the last Argentine dictatorship (1976-1983) who complained to the television cameras about the protesters marching through the streets of Buenos Aires: “I am not so suspicious of the workers, because they are always busy with work; I am suspicious of the students because with too much free time they spend it thinking. And you know, Mr. Journalist, that too much thinking is dangerous.” Which was consistent with the previous project of General Onganía (1966-1970) of expelling all the intellectuals in order to fix Argentina’s problems.

Not long ago, Doug Hagin, in the image of the famous television program Dave’s Top Ten, concocted his own list of The Top Ten List of Stupid Leftist Ideals. If we attempt to de-simplify the problem by removing the political label, we will see that each accusation against the so-called US leftists is, in reality, an assault on various humanist principles.

10: Environmentalism. According to the author, leftists do not stop at a reasonable point of conservation.

Obviously the definition of what is reasonable or not, depends on the economic interests of the moment. Like any conservative, he holds fast to the idea that the theory of Global Warming is only a theory, like the theory of evolution: there are no proofs that God did not create the skeletons of dinosaurs and other species and strew them about, simply in order to confuse the scientists and thereby test their faith. The conservative mentality, heroically inalterable, could never imagine that the oceans might behave progressively, beyond a reasonable level.

9: It takes a village to raise a child. The author denies it: the problem is that leftists have always thought collectively. Since they don’t believe in individualism they trust that children’s education must be carried out in society.

 

In contrast, reactionary thought trusts more in islands, in social autism, than in suspect humanity. According to this reasoning of a medieval aristocrat, a rich man can be rich surrounded by misery, a child can become a moral man and ascend to heaven without contaminating himself with the sin of his society. Society, the masses, only serves to allow the moral man to demonstrate his compassion by donating to the needy what he has left over – and discounting it from his taxes.

8: Children are incapable of handling stress. For which reason they cannot be corrected by their teachers with red ink or cannot confront the cruel parts of history.

The author is correct in observing that seeing what is disagreeable as an infant prepares children for a world that is not pleasant. Nonetheless, some compassionate conservatives exaggerate a little by dressing their children in military uniforms and giving them toys that, even though they only shoot laser lights, look very much like weapons with laser lights that fire something else at similar targets (and at black people).

7: Competition is bad. For the author, no: the fact that some win means that others lose, but this dynamic leads us to greatness.

He does not explain whether there exists here the “reasonable limit” of which he spoke before or whether he is referring to the hated theory of evolution which establishes the survival of the strongest in the savage world. Nor does he clarify to which greatness he refers, whether it is that of the slave on the prosperous cotton plantation or the size of the plantation. He does not take into account, of course, any kind of society based on solidarity and liberated from the neurosis of competition.

6: Health is a civil right. Not for the author: health is part of personal responsibility.

This argument is repeated by those who deny the need for a universal health system and, at the same time, do not propose privatizing the police, and much less the army. Nobody pays the police after calling 911, which is reasonable. If an attacker shoots us in the head, we will not pay anything for his capture, but if we are poor we will end up in bankruptcy so that a team of doctors can save our life. One deduces that, according to this logic, a thief who robs a house represents a social illness, but an epidemic is nothing more than a bunch of irresponsible individuals who do not affect the rest of society. What is never taken into account is that collective solidarity is one of the highest forms of individual responsibility.

5: Wealth is bad. According to the author, leftists want to penalize the success of the wealthy with taxes in order to give their wealth to the federal government so that it can be spent irresponsibly helping out those who are not so successful.

That is to say, workers owe their daily bread to the rich. Earning a living with the sweat of one’s brow is a punishment handed down by those successful people who have no need to work. There is a reason why physical beauty has been historically associated with the changing but always leisurely habits of the aristocracy. There is a reason why in the happy world of Walt Disney there are no workers; happiness is buried in some treasure filled with gold coins. For the same reason, it is necessary to not squander tax monies on education and on health. The millions spent on armies around the world are not a concern, because they are part of the investment that States responsibly make in order to maintain the success of the wealthy and the dream of glory for the poor.

4: There is an unbridled racism that will only be resolved with tolerance. No: leftists see race relations through the prism of pessimism. But race is not important for most of us, just for them.

That is to say, like in the fiction of global warming, if a conservative does not think about something or someone, that something or someone does not exist. De las Casas, Lincoln and Martin Luther King fought against racism ignorantly. If the humanists would stop thinking about the world, we would be happier because others’ suffering would not exist, and there would be no heartless thieves who steal from the compassionate rich.

3: Abortion. In order to avoid personal responsibility, leftists support the idea of murdering the unborn.

The mass murder of the already born is also part of individual responsibility, according to televised right-wing thought, even though sometimes it is called heroism and patriotism. Only when it benefits our island. If we make a mistake when suppressing a people we avoid responsibility by talking about abortion. A double moral transaction based on a double standard morality.

2: Guns are bad. Leftists hate guns and hate those who want to defend themselves. Leftists, in contrast, think that this defense should be done by the State. Once again they do not want to take responsibility for themselves.

That is to say, attackers, underage gang members, students who shoot up high schools, drug traffickers and other members of the syndicate exercise their right to defend their own interests as individuals and as corporations. Nobody distrusts the State and trusts in their own responsibility more than they do. It goes without saying that armies, according to this kind of reasoning, are the main part of that responsible defense carried out by the irresponsible State.

1: Placating evil ensures Peace. Leftists throughout history have wanted to appease the Nazis, dictators and terrorists.

The wisdom of the author does not extend to considering that many leftists have been consciously in favor of violence, and as an example it would be sufficient to remember Ernesto Che Guevara. Even though it might represent the violence of the slave, not the violence of the master. It is true, conservatives have not appeased dictators: at least in Latin America, they have nurtured them. In the end, the latter also have always been members of the Gun Club, and in fact were subject to very good deals in the name of security. Nazis, dictators and terrorists of every kind, with that tendency toward ideological simplification, would also agree with the final bit of reasoning on the list: “leftists do not undertand that sometimes violence is the only solution. Evil exists and should be erradicated.” And, finally: “We will kill it [the Evil], or it will kill us, it is that simple. We will kill Evil, or Evil will kill us; the only thing simpler than this is left-wing thought.”

Word of Power.

 

Ron Paul et l’anarchisme de droite.

Thomas Jefferson

Image via Wikipedia

Ron Paul y el anarquismo de derecha (Spanish)

Ron Paul et l’anarchisme de droite

par Jorge Majfud

Choqué par la misère qu’il avait rencontrée dans les classes pauvres de la puissante France, Thomas Jefferson écrivit à Madison que cette misère était le résultat de la « unequal division of property » (« partage inégal de la propriété »). La richesse de la France, pensait Jefferson, était concentrée dans trop peu de mains, ce qui avait pour conséquence le chômage et la mendicité généralisés. Il reconnaissait également que « la répartition égale de la propriété est impraticable », mais les grandes différences engendrent la misère. Si l’on voulait préserver le projet utopique de la liberté en Amérique, pas uniquement pour la justice, il était urgent de garantir par la loi le partage des propriétés obtenues par héritage afin d’assurer une répartition équitable entre les descendants (Baylin 2003, 57). C’est pour cela que, en 1776, Jefferson procéda, dans son État, à l’abolition des lois qui favorisaient certains héritiers et il disposa que toute personne adulte qui ne possèderait pas 50 acres (20 hectares) de terre, les recevrait de l’État, étant donné que « la terre appartient aux vivants et non aux morts » (58).

En certaine occasion, Jefferson affirma que s’il devait choisir entre un gouvernement sans journaux et des journaux sans gouvernement, il prendrait cette dernière option. Comme la plupart des autres pères fondateurs, il se distingua par d’autres idées libertaires, par son anarchisme modéré et par une collection de contradictions diverses. Aujourd’hui, peut-être Ron Paul est-il une espèce de réincarnation postmoderne de ce président et philosophe illustré. C’est peut-être pour cette même raison qu’il a été supplanté par Sarah Palin dans la définition du bon conservateur. Médecin, représentant du Texas et un des leaders historiques du mouvement libertaire, Paul est en outre, probablement, le véritable fondateur de l’inexistant Parti du Thé (Tea Party). Si quelque chose a distingué les républicains néo-conservateurs des démocrates libéraux au cours des dernières décennies c’est son puissant interventionnisme international aux relents messianiques ou ses tendances à légiférer contre le mariage homosexuel. Au contraire, s’il y a quelque chose qui a caractérisé la forte attitude critique et la pratique législative de Ron Paul c’est bien sa proposition d’éliminer la banque centrale des États-Unis, son opposition à l’intrusion de l’État dans la définition de ce qu’est ou doit être le mariage et son opposition à toute espèce d’ingérence dans les affaires d’autres pays.

Le débat du Parti Républicain en décembre 2007 en est une parfaite illustration. Tandis que tous les autres candidats s’employèrent à répéter des phrases toutes faites qui soulevèrent les applaudissements et l’enthousiasme du public hispanique de Miami, Ron Paul ne manqua pas l’occasion de répéter ses embarrassantes convictions.

À la question de María Elena Salinas sur l’attitude à adopter avec le président du Vénézuela, Ron Paul répondit simplement en faveur du dialogue avec Chavez et avec Cuba. Évidemment les huées se firent entendre dans toute la salle. Sans attendre le retour au calme, il contre-attaqua : « Mais laissez-moi vous dire pourquoi, pourquoi nous avons des problèmes en Amérique centrale et en Amérique du sud : parce que nous sommes mêlés à leurs questions internes depuis très longtemps, nous nous sommes immiscés dans leurs affaires. C’est nous qui avons créé tous les Chavez du monde, nous avons créé tous les Castro en intervenant et en créant le chaos dans leurs pays et eux ont répondu en choisissant leurs dirigeants… »

Les huées cessèrent devant les arguments du Texan. On l’interrogea alors sur la guerre en Irak : « Nous n’avions aucune raison de nous engager là-bas, nous n’avions pas déclaré la guerre […] Mon point de vue est différent parce que je respecte la Constitution et je tiens compte de ce que les pères fondateurs nous disent : restez à l’écart des affaires internes des autres nations. »

En politique intérieure, le mouvement Libertaire partage plusieurs positions avec les néo-conservateurs. Par exemple l’idée que les inégalités sont la conséquence de la liberté entre des individus ayant des compétences et des intérêts différents. C’est ainsi que l’idée de « répartition des richesses » est considérée par les partisans de Ron Paul comme un acte arbitraire, une injustice sociale. Pour d’autres néocons, c’est simplement le résultat de l’endoctrinement des socialistes comme Obama. Et de mentionner alors tous les livres de Karl Marx qu’Obama a étudiés, apparemment avec beaucoup d’intérêt, à la Columbia University et de rappeler toutes les réunions des « Socialist Scholars Conference » auxquelles il a assisté (Radical-in-Chief : Barack Obama and the Untold Story of American Socialism, Stanley Kurtz). Néanmoins, aux yeux des libertaires, tout cela relève des droits de tout citoyen, comme fumer de la marihuana, du moment qu’il ne cherche pas à l’imposer à autrui. Ce qui pour un président serait pour le moins difficile.

La vache sacrée des néo-conservateurs étatsuniens c’est la liberté (puisque, pour eux, le libéralisme est un mauvais mot) comme s’il s’agissait d’un aspect indépendant de la réalité. Pour atteindre cette liberté, il suffit d’éliminer ou de réduire tout ce qui a à voir avec l’État ou le Gouvernement. À l’exception de l’armée. D’où la posture de certains en faveur de la détention d’armes par les individus : pour les utiliser contre le pouvoir intrusif d’un gouvernement, d’ici ou d’ailleurs.

Les extrémistes de la liberté absolue ne considèrent pas nécessaire, pour être libres, une certaine part de pouvoir ou, en tout cas, ils en minimisent l’importance. Pour Jefferson et pour Che Guevara, l’argent n’était guère qu’un mal nécessaire, produit de la corruption et outil du vol. Mais, aujourd’hui, le pouvoir (les Grecs de Périclès le savaient déjà) réside dans l’argent. Dès lors, il suffit d’avoir plus d’argent pour être, sur le plan social (et non existentiel) plus libre que le travailleur qui ne peut disposer du même niveau de liberté pour donner une éducation à ses enfants ou pour avoir des loisirs qui stimulent son développement humain et sa créativité intellectuelle.

À l’autre extrême, dans une grande partie de l’Amérique latine, la vache sacrée, aujourd’hui, c’est « la répartition des richesses », grâce à l’État. Souvent on ne prend pas en compte qu’il puisse y avoir une mauvaise répartition de la production ou on n’y accorde que peu d’intérêt. Dans ce domaine, les paramètres culturels sont essentiels : il y a des individus et des groupes qui créent et travaillent pour les autres lesquels ensuite se plaignent de l’injustice parce qu’elles n’obtiennent pas les bénéfices qu’elles mériteraient si la justice sociale existait. C’est comme si un menteur se cachait derrière une vérité pour préserver et pérenniser ses vices. Pour cette position, le mérite est seulement le résultat d’un système oppressif qui ne permet même pas aux paresseux de sortir de leur paresse. Voilà comment la paresse et le vol sont expliqués par la structure économique et la culture de l’oppression qui maintiennent des groupes entiers dans l’ignorance. Ce qui n’est pas si faux jusqu’à un certain point mais qui ne suffit pas à démontrer l’inexistence d’éternels cossards et d’autres faiblement doués pour le travail physique ou intellectuel. Quoi qu’il en soit, il ne devrait pas y avoir de répartition des richesses si, d’abord, il n’y a pas de répartition de la production. Ce qui, en partie, serait également répartition de l’envie d’étudier, de travailler et de prendre des responsabilités. Aujourd’hui, les États sont des maux nécessaires pour protéger l’éga-liberté. Mais, en même temps, ils sont le principal instrument, comme le pensaient les révolutionnaires étatsuniens, pour préserver les privilèges des plus puissants et nourrir le vice moral des plus faibles.

Jorge Majfud, Février 2011
Jacksonville University

Traduction de l’espagnol pour El Correo de : Antonio Lopez.

Oulala (Francia)


The official word: criminalize the victim

De mestizo e india, sale coiote (From a Mestiz...

Image via Wikipedia

The official word: criminalize the victim


By Jorge Majfud

Translated by Tony R. Barret

Few weeks ago, just as in the last few centuries, the land claims of rural workers have been brought back up in several spots of Latin America. If it is really true that our own 21st century cannot base its economies exclusively in small farms, it isn’t less true that economic disenfranchisement is still an urgent popular cause in any social or historical progress. I could very well say that that the old Latin American cause didn’t exist in the United States, the paradigm of economic development, etc. But the answer is quite easy: in the United States there were no farm movements nor “liberation movements” because this country wasn’t founded upon the estates of an aristocratic society, as in Latin America, but rather upon an initial distribution infinitely more equitable of colonists that worked for themselves and not for the King or the landholder.

It’s not by chance that the founders of the original United States considered themselves successful in their anti-imperialist, populist, and radically revolutionary projects, whereas our Latin American leaders died embittered when not in exile. As the caudillos of that day used to say, “the laws are respected but not enforced.” And so we had republican and egalitarian constitutions, almost always copies of the American one but with a different twist: reality contradicted them.

In Latin America, we were the laughingstock of a discussion that wasn’t even applied in the developed centers of the world, but rather catered to the creole oligarchy. So violent was this moralization that when the Bolivian and Peruvian Indians systematically burned out at age 30 because of the animal jobs they had to do, sometimes with another’s pride and almost always with self-reluctance, they were unfailingly called “bums” or “idiots.”

That feudal system (typical of so many Latin American countries that included pawns for free almost, or the “pongueo” system that impeded farming and industrial development) existed in the southern United States. But it was defeated by the progressivist forces of the North. Not in Latin America. This structure of our continent, vertical and aristocratic, served up its own self-exploitation and its own underdevelopment and benefited the world powers taking their turns, who were not foolish enough to sustain moralist discourses about the old aristocracy. Meanwhile, our “heroic” oligarchy squandered the demoralizing debate toward those who claimed more social and economic equity. According to this discourse accepted unanimously by the slaves themselves, those who were opposed to the landholding estate Order were idlers that wanted to live off the State, as if the oligarchy didn’t help itself to the violence of this State to sustain its privileges and interests, almost always supporting dictatorships on call that they meaningfully called “saviors” and then they “combated” in the discourse to present themselves as the eternal “saviors of the country” and to reinstall the same aristocratic status quo, the very reason for the historical setbacks of our societies. Thus, business was twofold but insatisfaction was also twofold: both those at the bottom and those at the top agreed on something: “things in this country don’t work” or “no one can save this country, etc.” But on reforms, nothing.

Jorge Majfud

The University of Georgia, March 2007

Translator: Tony R. Barrett