The defenders of the genocide in Palestine argue that it is not a genocide and, moreover, that there have been other genocides equal to or worse than this one in the recent past. From dehumanizing the victims massacred under bombs or executed daily with absolute impunity, they move on to threatening and criminalizing their critics. The traditional instrument is to accuse them of anti-Semitism and then place them on blacklists so that they lose their jobs or are expelled from their countries of residence, as has happened multiple times.

One of the extortion services, apart from the almost infinite resources of the CIA and Mossad, consists of various harassment archives, such as the most recently recognized by the U.S. government, the doxing Canary Mission (in this case, to criminalize students and professors critical of Israel), and a plurality of actions that one day will be more fully detailed through leaks or declassification of documents, as usually happens and in which we will discover names, both of critics and activists listed for extortion and civil death, as well as mercenary and honorary collaborators, those who volunteer to punish honest individuals through the greatest powers in the world, because their mediocrity and cowardice never allowed them to do so on their own merits—some of whose names we already know.

Of course, there have been other genocides in history. In the case of the Modern Era, the majority and the worst genocides that added up to millions of victims intentionally or systematically suppressed had the great Northwestern empires as perpetuators or principal allies. On this, we have written years ago.

Let us take, for example, one of the worst genocides of the last generations, the genocide in Rwanda. Over three months, the Rwandan Hutu militias, protected by the government under Jean Kambanda, massacred the Tutsis and even some members of their own Hutu ethnicity caught in between. As it could not have been otherwise, this genocide was encouraged and directed by the far-right ideology known as Hutu Supremacy, which considered themselves racially superior to the Tutsis and, consequently, deserving to eliminate them from the face of the Earth. As a way to justify their ancestral right to the land, the Hutus relied on myths about the existence of a Hutu people in Rwanda before the arrival of the Tutsis from Ethiopia. Later, they imposed apartheid in the country’s major state institutions, such as education and the military. Then they criminalized any Hutu who was friends with a Tutsi or dared to defend their humanity. Studies on these Bantu peoples indicate genetic and ethnic differences that are irrelevant when compared to the rest of the neighboring peoples.

In May 1994, the UN imposed an arms embargo against the supremacist and genocidal government of Kambanda and his Defense Minister Théoneste Bagosora. This embargo was violated by the governments of France and apartheid South Africa in its final months of existence. In June, coinciding with Nelson Mandela’s rise to power in South Africa, the UN blue helmets entered Rwanda, and the genocide ended in less than a month. Years later, Bill Clinton regretted not having done anything to stop this genocide, even though interventions from Washington, like those from Europe, never asked anyone for permission. In fact, he did do something: the UN Security Council ordered the withdrawal of its peacekeeping forces before the genocide, and Washington refused to use the word «genocide» while the genocide occurred unrestricted and despite protests from various humanitarian groups worldwide, including military figures like Canadian General Roméo Dallaire.

Approximately half a million Tutsis were killed with the intention of annihilating them as a people or removing them from their lands for the benefit of the dominant ethnic group. That is, a number roughly equivalent to what has been estimated in the case of Palestine in recent years alone, not even going back to the first Nakba from 1946 to 1948 and the constant war against Palestinians in Palestine that, since then and without cease, has left an average of 1,500 Palestinians dead per year, apart from those dispossessed of their lands and human rights by armed settlers, and apart from those kidnapped by the Israeli military itself, including thousands of children.

The difference between the genocide in Gaza and other genocides where hundreds of thousands of deaths are similarly counted is clear.
Although the supremacist ideology of Hutu Power had been fermenting for many years, the genocide in Rwanda occurred over a period of three months.
Neither its ideologues nor those who carried it out were preaching daily, yearly, and decade after decade in the world’s most powerful media to ensure that no one acknowledged that a genocide was being committed in Rwanda.
No one in the world repeated Hutu Supremacy’s excuse that Rwanda had the right to defend itself, much less that massacring children, men, and women of all ages every day was part of that right.

Unlike the Zionists, the Hutu supremacists did not have star journalists in major channels and media outlets worldwide, commenting on the news with a Rwandan flag on the desk, justifying the violence against Tutsis and criminalizing their resistance as antibantú terrorists.

Apart from the Hutus in Rwanda, no group or church in Berlin, Atlanta, São Paulo, Buenos Aires, Lagos, or New Delhi justified the Hutus or prayed for their safety, even though they were Christians.

Prime Minister Jean Kambanda did not travel to Washington to give speeches in Congress. He did not receive standing ovations from legislators supporting his supremacist project, passing laws criminalizing defenders of Tutsi rights in the West or imposing loyalty oaths to Rwanda to hold public office or receive aid in the face of climate disasters.
Kambanda was not received by every U.S. president to secure trillions of dollars in financial, military, media, and moral support.

The Hutu Supremacy did not have the most powerful lobby in the West, funded by every winning politician in the United States, nor did representatives of the people have Rwandan flags at the entrance of their offices. No one, like Senator Rafael (Ted) Cruz and so many others, declared that their primary mission in Washington was to protect Rwanda.
Neither Théoneste Bagosora nor the Hutu Supremacy were unconditionally supported by the majority of European countries or by the President of the European Commission, even though Europe had killed more millions of Africans in Africa than Jews in the Holocaust during World War II and should, in the same way, feel remorse at least as profound for African peoples as for Jewish and Roma peoples.

Neither Americans, nor Germans, nor Argentinians who had Tutsi flags were arrested and beaten by the police in their civilized countries, nor were they accused of inspiring antibantú hatred, even though both Hutus and Tutsis are Bantu peoples.
No U.S. president threatened from the White House to kidnap and send to a concentration camp in El Salvador everyone who criticized Rwanda because criticizing Rwanda was being anti-American.

Governors in the United States did not send communications to university professors forbidding them to use words like genocide, Tutsi, or Hutu supremacism. They did not ask students to record their professors, nor did the federal government use masked agents to kidnap students on the streets who wrote articles in defense of Tutsi human rights.
Professors of Moral Philosophy or African Studies did not cancel their courses on the History of the Tutsi People or Human Rights in Rwanda out of fear of losing their jobs, whether through dismissal, contract termination violating the norms regulating their tenure, arbitrary salary reductions, or the fear of not finding employment elsewhere once dismissed.
Not even South African apartheid had the power to dictate to the presidents and senators of the world’s major powers, such as Europe and the United States, what they should say and do.

The genocidaires of Rwanda did not own the largest financial capitals in the world like BlackRock, JP Morgan, or Barclays. They did not have dealings with the largest surveillance and public opinion manipulation tech companies, such as Palantir. They did not decide dozens of elections around the world, like Team Jorge. They did not possess the most powerful and lethal Secret Agency in the world, nor did they collaborate with the other two largest secret agencies globally.

Jean Kambanda was not in power for three decades but for three months, and he was tried and convicted of genocide. His ministers, military personnel, ideologues of Hutu supremacism, and journalists were also sentenced to decades in prison for genocide, crimes against humanity, incitement, or apology for genocide.

As repugnant as any other genocide, the genocide in Rwanda was neither the cause nor the consequence of a systematic Rwandanization of the world, where debate and dissent were replaced by violence and the politics of cruelty.

By the deafening harassment of power.
By the blind reason of the bombers.
By the triumph of racism, xenophobia, and sexism.
By the prostitution of love.
By the commercialization of hate.
By the fear of being and feeling.
By the fear of thinking differently.
By the dopamine of the tribe and the taste of blood.
By the manipulation of ideas and emotions.
By the social engineering of hunger.
By necessity as an instrument of control.
By voluntary slavery.
By religious fanaticism.
By the indoctrination of the masses.
By the illusion of individual freedom.
By the sanctification of the most powerful.
By the criminalization of the weakest.
By the militarization of the police.
By the politicization of justice.
By the whip that educates the slave.
By the admiration for the slaveholder.
By the law of the psychopath who cannot distinguish between good and evil and replaces it with the only thing that elicits any emotion: winning or losing.

The genocide in Rwanda occurred in Rwanda. The genocide in Palestine occurs in Gaza and in every office, on every corner of every city, in every bedroom of every country.

Jorge majfud, July 2025