Ten cuidado con lo que deseas

Estimado Sr. Musk:
Recientemente usted afirmó que “la empatía es una plaga parasitaria”. No estoy de acuerdo. Las civilizaciones han existido y prosperado en gran parte gracias a la guía y las prescripciones de empatía de los principales líderes sociales y espirituales a lo largo de la historia.
Además, la ejecución no era la forma común de castigo en el pasado (excepto para “criminales” como Jesús durante el Imperio Romano), contrariamente a la creencia popular.

Me opongo a la pena capital por dos razones:

  1. Muchos de mis amigos en Sudáfrica habrían sido ejecutados después del apartheid.
  2. Muchos miembros de la oligarquía mundial actual podrían correr la misma suerte que en la Revolución Francesa con la guillotina.

Como usted sabe, estoy en contra de la violencia en todas sus formas.

Atentamente,

jorge majfud, noviembre 2025

Be careful what you wish for

Dear Mr. Musk,

You recently claimed that “empathy [is] a parasitic plague.”

I disagree. Civilizations have existed and thrived in large part due to the guidance and prescriptions of empathy by major spiritual leaders throughout history.

Additionally, execution was not the common form of punishment in the past (except for “criminals” like Jesus during the Roman Empire), contrary to popular belief.

I oppose capital punishment for two reasons:

1. Many of my friends in South Africa would have faced execution after Apartheid.

2. Many members of the current World oligarchy could undergo the same fate as in the French Revolution with the guillotine.

I am against violence in all forms, as you know.

Sincerely,

Jorge Majfud, nov. 2025

Posdata a «Sacrificios humanos y la política de la crueldad»

El 28 de febrero de 2025, el mismo día que publicamos «Sacrificios humanos y la política de la crueldad» en Página12 de Argentina, Elon Musk repetía de forma literal uno de los centros conceptuales del artículo (la naturaleza psicópata de los exitosos billonarios y secuestradores de gobiernos y pseudo-democracias):

«La mayor debilidad de Occidente es su empatía»:

En el texto de Pagina12 se recordaba:

«Nos sorprendemos al observar cómo un presidente, un primer ministro, un senador o un exitoso hombre de negocios, con un convencimiento seductor, toman decisiones que conducirán al dolor de millones de personas. Por lo general, se excusan en algo abstracto y arbitrario como la eficiencia y recurren a invertir el significado de valores y emociones que llevan miles de años definidas de una forma simple y comprensible, comola compasión y solidaridad.

Un ejemplo contemporáneo son numerosos líderes que el sistema capitalista ha encumbrado por su alta funcionalidad. La escritora Ann Ryanse puso al frente de la reacción contra el consenso de la segunda posguerra que derrotó al sadismo del fascismo en Occidente. En 2024, el presidente Milei de Argentina dijo en Washington que “la justicia social es violenta”. Un exabrupto encapsulado 60 años atrás en píldoras para el consumo contra cualquier forma de sensibilidad social, como la de Ryan Ann: “la maldad es la compasión, no el egoísmo…”

La posdata en forma de video (aporte de una colega llamada Hortensia Salcedo) aquí:

¿Por qué Elon Musk odia Wikipedia?

En 2008, el filósofo argentino Hugo Biagini publicó su Diccionario del Pensamiento Alternativo. Biagini me invitó muchas veces a colaborar con sus proyectos (como América latina hacia la segunda independencia, con Arturo Roig, 2007; en su Diccionario de Autobiografías intelectuales, 2019) y en esa oportunidad mi aporte fue solo una entrada sobre “La sociedad desobediente”. Allí aproveché para repetir una respuesta al cofundador de Wikipedia, Larry Sanger, cuando en 2007 abandonó el proyecto por considerarlo un fracaso, debido a su falta de autoridad. En 2020, Larry Sanger acusó a Wikipedia de estar dominada por “izquierdistas”. Algo discutible. No tan discutible es el hecho de que si alguien ama el dinero no va a dedicar su vida a la enseñanza o a Wikipedia.

Para mí, con todos sus defectos, Wikipedia era un ejemplo reciente y exitoso de organización del conocimiento independiente de una autoridad política y económica, una “forma de desobediencia cultural”. En el Diccionario de Biagini, anoté: “Contrariamente a lo que se podía predecir, la escritura de la información por parte de millones de individuos anónimos alrededor del mundo no ha derivado en un caos sino en una confiabilidad (según estudios tradicionales) tan alta como la Enciclopedia Británica (…) En la sociedad desobediente la educación posindustrial toma progresivamente el lugar de la educación industrialista (uniformizante), de la misma forma que ésta tomó el lugar de la educación escolástica durante la Revolución Industrial. En la esfera política, uno de sus requisitos es la democracia directa (…) Según este diagnóstico, resulta posible pronosticar que los tradicionales sistemas representativos (como el parlamentario) perderán su importancia en las decisiones de las sociedades, de la misma forma en que, en su momento, la perdieron los reyes absolutistas en beneficio de los parlamentos. Es probable que esta misma idea de agravamiento de las condiciones impuestas por un poder imperial (en este caso la globalización de la cultura norteamericana…) sea producto de una reacción de los poderes tradicionales contra el surgimiento de la sociedad desobediente… No obstante, podemos pensar que no es esta inevitable radicalización de la desobediencia el origen del conflicto sino la reacción de los poderes tradicionales…” (506-508)

Claro, todo a pesar de la continua presión e injerencia de mafias institucionalizadas, como la CIA (para la cual Elon Musk trabaja y es agente con acceso a documentos clasificados). Desde los primeros años de Wikipedia, se han detectado guerras de ediciones generadas con IPs procedentes de la misma CIA, antes que la NRL desarrollase Tor, un navegador anónimo que también se les escapó de las manos (era inevitable hacerlo “open source” para que fuese realmente “intrazable”). Pero la CIA no disminuyó sino que aumentó su uso. El mismo caso de Linux, como lo reconoció su fundador negándolo con la boca y afirmándolo con la cabeza.

El otro fundador de Wikipedia, Jimmy Wales, comenzó desde una filosofía libertaria y capitalista, pero su proyecto confunde un anarquismo de derecha (antigubernamental, como el marxismo original) con un anarquismo de izquierda (igualitario). En 2005 ya había calificado al Partido Libertario como una “horda de lunáticos”.

Elon Musk se ha burlado de la mendicidad de Wikipedia para sobrevivir, similar a las cadenas públicas de radio y televisión sobrevivientes en Estados Unidos. NPR y PBS son odiadas por Musk y quiere verlas desaparecer. Debido al progresivo desfinanciamiento estatal, estas cadenas públicas han debido recurrir a donaciones.

Wales ha insistido que el principio de Wikipedia de no financiarse a través de publicidad es para preservar su independencia. Claro, cuando no están limitadas, las donaciones son un arma de doble filo. Es aquí donde la dosis de la medicación hace una diferencia absoluta entre la vida y la muerte. Un ejemplo obvio fue la abolición del tope de donaciones a los partidos políticos en 2010, lo cual recientemente hizo posible que Musk comprase su acceso a la Casa Blanca con una donación de 250 millones de dólares a la campaña de Donald Trump.

La políticos, los medios y la opinión pública se pueden comprar. Pero hay cosas que no, como el amor y la dignidad. En el caso de Wikipedia, es una espina en el talón que llevan ultra millonarios como Musk: ¿cómo es posible que exista una fuente global de información que no cotiza en la Bolsa de Londres o Nueva York? Si Musk pudo comprar Twitter por 44 mil millones (y sin poner un dólar de su bolsillo), le cambió el nombre y, en nombre de la libertad de expresión comenzó a manipular el algoritmo para censurar y privilegiar la visibilidad global de Trump y la suya misma, ¿cómo es posible que Superman, con todo sus superpoderes, no pueda escribir su propia biografía ni la historia de las ideas políticas, sociales, sexuales y raciales? ¡Pero qué horror!

Para peor, Wikipedia en inglés mantiene un dato que le hiere el ego, naturalmente inflamado: “En el primer aniversario de la adquisición [de Twitter], Musk declaró el valor de la compañía en 19 mil millones de dólares, una depreciación del 55 por ciento respecto al precio de compra de 44 mil millones”.

Si desde la Edad Media los nobles donaban para las iglesias y las catedrales que construían los artesanos, quienes luego iban a escuchar los sermones de los sacerdotes que vivían de las donaciones de los nobles y burgueses, ¿cómo es posible que aun en el actual regreso a la Edad Media todavía los señores feudales puedan comprar a Dios y no una maldita enciclopedia?

Musk ofreció por Wikipedia mil millones de dólares y propuso llamarla Wokepedia o Dickipedia (Vergapedia), lo que confirma que los dueños del mundo ni son felices ni tienen capacidad alguna de vivir en paz consigo mismos―menos con el resto de la humanidad.

El comandante en jefe de la Casa Blanca que vino del Apartheid sudafricano sabe que Wikipedia es uno de los escasos ejemplos de independencia del gran capital, por lo cual no puede vivir pensando que hay algo que puede existir sin la posibilidad de ser comprado, es decir, controlado por los psicópatas del apartheid global y de clase.

Al igual que la fortuna de su padre, quien también sufría de un profundo racismo, clasismo y sexismo que hoy se ha romantizado con la ideología del Macho alfa de la Nueva Derecha fascista, como líder natural de una manada de lobos vagando sobre la nieve en busca de una presa a la que descuartizar. Ese es el modelo, la utopía de humanidad que restringe y estriñe las capacidades intelectuales de individuos que se creen semidioses por el solo hecho de poseer (su verbo favorito) la habilidad de acumular dinero para comprar seres humanos (sean trabajadores o adulones), para comprarse el derecho de usar un látigo contra toda forma de pensamiento, contra toda forma de ser que no se ajuste a su mediocre existencia.

Elon Musk compra todo lo que odia y odia aún más todo lo que no puede comprar. De ahí su odio a Wikipedia y su oferta para comprarla en un billón. Probablemente odie la vida misma, porque sabe que no puede comprarla.

Jorge Majfud, 4 de enero de 2025

https://www.pagina12.com.ar/794846-por-que-elon-musk-odia-wikipedia

https://www.ihu.unisinos.br/647551-por-que-elon-musk-odeia-a-wikipedia-artigo-de-jorge-majfud

https://www.ihu.unisinos.br/647551-por-que-elon-musk-odeia-a-wikipedia-artigo-de-jorge-majfud

Por que Elon Musk odeia a Wikipedia?

Elon Musk compra tudo o que odeia e odeia ainda mais o que não pode comprar. Daí seu ódio à Wikipédia e sua oferta de 1 bilhão por ela. Provavelmente, odeia a própria vida, porque sabe que não pode comprá-la.

O artigo é de Jorge Majfud, escritor uruguaio e professor da Jacksonville University, em artigo publicado por Página|12, 04-01-2025.

Eis o artigo.

Em 2012, o filósofo argentino Hugo Biagini publicou seu Dicionário do Pensamento AlternativoBiagini frequentemente me convidou para colaborar em seus projetos (como América Latina Rumo à Segunda Independência, com Arturo Roig, 2007; e no Dicionário de Autobiografias Intelectuais, 2019). Nessa ocasião, minha contribuição foi apenas uma entrada sobre “A sociedade desobediente”. Nela, aproveitei para reiterar uma resposta ao cofundador da Wikipédia, Larry Sanger, quando, em 2007, ele abandonou o projeto, considerando-o um fracasso devido à falta de autoridade. Em 2020, Larry Sanger acusou a Wikipédia de ser dominada por “esquerdistas”. Algo discutível. Menos discutível é o fato de que, se alguém ama o dinheiro, dificilmente dedicará sua vida ao ensino ou à Wikipédia.

Para mim, com todos os seus defeitos, a Wikipédia era um exemplo recente e bem-sucedido de organização do conhecimento independente de uma autoridade política e econômica, uma “forma de desobediência cultural”. No Dicionário de Biagini, escrevi:

“Contrariamente ao que se poderia prever, a redação de informações por milhões de indivíduos anônimos ao redor do mundo não resultou em caos, mas sim em uma confiabilidade (segundo estudos tradicionais) tão alta quanto a da Enciclopédia Britânica. (…) Na sociedade desobediente, a educação pós-industrial progressivamente substitui a educação industrialista (uniformizadora), da mesma forma que esta substituiu a educação escolástica durante a Revolução Industrial. Na esfera política, um de seus requisitos é a democracia direta. (…) Segundo esse diagnóstico, é possível prever que os tradicionais sistemas representativos (como o parlamentarismo) perderão importância nas decisões das sociedades, assim como, em seu tempo, os reis absolutistas perderam importância em benefício dos parlamentos. É provável que essa ideia de agravamento das condições impostas por um poder imperial (neste caso, a globalização da cultura norte-americana…) seja uma reação dos poderes tradicionais contra o surgimento da sociedade desobediente. (…) No entanto, podemos considerar que o conflito não decorre da inevitável radicalização da desobediência, mas sim da reação dos poderes tradicionais” (p. 506-508).

Claro, isso ocorre apesar da contínua pressão e ingerência de máfias institucionalizadas, como a CIA (para a qual Elon Musk trabalha, sendo um agente com acesso a documentos classificados). Desde os primeiros anos da Wikipédia, foram detectadas guerras de edições oriundas de IPs da própria CIA, antes mesmo de a NRL desenvolver o Tor, um navegador anônimo que também saiu de seu controle (era inevitável torná-lo open source). Contudo, a CIA não diminuiu, mas aumentou seu uso. O mesmo ocorre com o Linux, como admitiu seu fundador, negando com palavras, mas afirmando com gestos.

O outro fundador da Wikipédia, Jimmy Wales, começou com uma filosofia libertária e capitalista, mas seu projeto confunde um anarquismo de direita (antigovernamental, como o marxismo original) com um anarquismo de esquerda (igualitário). Em 2005, ele já havia classificado o Partido Libertário como uma “horda de lunáticos”.

Elon Musk zombou da mendicância da Wikipédia para sobreviver, algo semelhante às redes públicas de rádio e televisão que ainda resistem nos Estados Unidos. A NPR e a PBS são odiadas por Musk, que deseja vê-las desaparecer. Devido ao progressivo desfinanciamento estatal, essas redes públicas foram obrigadas a recorrer a doações.

Jimmy Wales insistiu que o princípio da Wikipédia de não se financiar por meio de publicidade é preservar sua independência. Claro que, quando não são limitadas, as doações tornam-se uma arma de dois gumes. É aqui que a dosagem do remédio faz uma diferença absoluta entre a vida e a morte. Um exemplo óbvio foi a abolição do teto para doações a partidos políticos em 2010, o que recentemente permitiu que Musk comprasse seu acesso à Casa Branca com uma doação de 250 milhões de dólares à campanha de Donald Trump.

Os políticos, os meios de comunicação e a opinião pública podem ser comprados. Mas há coisas que não podem, como o amor e a dignidade. No caso da Wikipédia, ela é um espinho no calcanhar dos ultramilionários como Musk: como é possível que exista uma fonte global de informação que não esteja listada na Bolsa de Londres ou de Nova York? Se Musk pôde comprar o Twitter por 44 bilhões de dólares (sem desembolsar um centavo do próprio bolso), mudou o nome da plataforma e, em nome da liberdade de expressão, começou a manipular o algoritmo para censurar e privilegiar a visibilidade global de Trump e a sua própria, como é possível que o “Superman”, com todos os seus superpoderes, não consiga escrever sua própria biografia ou a história das ideias políticas, sociais, sexuais e raciais? Que horror!

Para piorar, a Wikipédia em inglês mantém um dado que fere seu ego, naturalmente inflamado: “No primeiro aniversário da aquisição [do Twitter], Musk declarou o valor da empresa em 19 bilhões de dólares, uma depreciação de 55% em relação ao preço de compra de 44 bilhões”.

Se desde a Idade Média os nobres doavam para igrejas e catedrais construídas por artesãos, que depois ouviam os sermões de sacerdotes sustentados por essas doações, como é possível que, no atual retorno à Idade Média, os senhores feudais ainda possam comprar a Deus, mas não uma maldita enciclopédia?

Musk ofereceu 1 bilhão de dólares pela Wikipédia e sugeriu renomeá-la como Wokepedia ou Dickipedia (Vergapedia), o que confirma que os donos do mundo nem são felizes nem têm capacidade de viver em paz consigo mesmos — muito menos com o restante da humanidade.

O comandante-em-chefe da Casa Branca, que veio do apartheid sul-africano, sabe que a Wikipédia é um dos raros exemplos de independência do grande capital, razão pela qual não suporta a ideia de que algo possa existir sem ser comprado, ou seja, controlado pelos psicopatas do apartheid global e de classe.

Assim como a fortuna de seu pai, que também sofria de profundo racismo, classismo e sexismo — hoje romantizados pela ideologia do “Macho Alfa” da Nova Direita fascista, como o líder natural de uma alcateia vagando pela neve em busca de uma presa para dilacerar. Esse é o modelo, a utopia de humanidade que limita e estreita as capacidades intelectuais de indivíduos que se creem semideuses apenas por possuírem (seu verbo favorito) a habilidade de acumular dinheiro para comprar seres humanos (sejam trabalhadores ou bajuladores), adquirindo o direito de usar o chicote contra qualquer forma de pensamento ou de existência que não se ajuste à sua medíocre realidade.

Elon Musk compra tudo o que odeia e odeia ainda mais o que não pode comprar. Daí seu ódio à Wikipédia e sua oferta de 1 bilhão por ela. Provavelmente, odeia a própria vida, porque sabe que não pode comprá-la.

La sensibilidad de los cómplices

Otra advertencia sobre la “sensibilidad de las imágenes” que publicamos aquí y en otros medios sobre el Genocidio racista en Gaza. Ver la clásica advertencia abajo. Los medios tradicionales y las redes sociales son muy pudorosas con las masacres y genocidios que sus dueños como Elon Musk y casi todo el resto apoyan día a día, año tras año. «Matemos, pero sin herir la sensibilidad de nuestros usuarios. Eso nos quita clientes sensibles«.

Cuando Bush prohibió publicar imágenes de los soldados estadounidenses volviendo en ataúdes, alguien dijo «si podemos hacerlo, bien podemos verlo». Está de más decir que esa masacre fue vendida a los medios de forma muy higiénica (en 2003 publicamos varios artículos en varios diarios sobre la hipócrita y cómplice censura de las imágenes de niños destrozados).

La historia ya no rima; se repite como una prostituta.

jorge majfud (sí, ese mismo, el que da la cara por fea que sea, el que no se esconde detrás de anónimos ni falsea amistades ni habla por la espalda de nadie ni realiza denuncias secretas), diciembre 2024

Elon Musk y la dictadura de la libertad feudal

Desde finales del siglo pasado, en ocasiones he repetido cinco o seis ejercicios muy simples en salones de clase de distintos países con estudiantes de distintas culturas, edades y clases sociales―con el mismo resultado.

Uno (inspirado en África) se refiere a la clasificación de figuras geométricas, donde siempre vemos las diferencias y nunca lo que tienen en común.

En otro, en Estados Unidos, les dibujo un cubo en la pizarra y, al preguntar qué ven, por unanimidad afirman que se trata de un cubo. Obviamente, no es un cubo, sino tres rombos juntos.

A la pregunta de qué colores son el cielo y el sol, las respuestas también han sido unánimes, por años. Pero la respuesta repetitiva es una pregunta: “¿Profesor, también nos va a decir que el cielo no es celeste y el sol no es amarillo?” Al fin y al cabo, así son en las banderas, en los dibujos infantiles y en cualquier otra representación que no sea arte moderno―eso que le hacía hervir la sangre a Hitler. Algo que no ha cambiado mucho hoy.

Está de más decir que no siempre el cielo es celeste y que el Sol nunca es amarillo. No sólo es blanco, sino que los colores dominantes son el azul y el violeta. En cualquier caso, los ejemplos demuestran que no podemos ver el mundo objetivo sin pasarlo por el lente de nuestra comprensión, el cual está teñido por los prejuicios de una sociedad, de una civilización. Un caso más biológico radica en la percepción del inexistente color amarillo en las pantallas de televisión, pero aún así es una ilusión.

La pregunta “¿por qué el Sol es amarillo?” inocula al interlocutor con un hecho falso, distrayéndolo con la búsqueda de la respuesta correcta. Lo mismo ocurre ante la pregunta “¿por qué murió el socialismo?” Aún más decisivo que en la física cuántica y relativista, en el mundo humano el observador cambia la realidad que observa. Más cuando usa un lenguaje plagado de ideoléxicos.

Hoy, un estudiante me preguntó: “¿Por qué Brasil está al borde de una dictadura?” ¿Por qué no Argentina o Ecuador? ¿Por qué el Sol es amarillo? Recordé los repetidos ataques de Elon Musk al presidente Lula de Brasil por su osadía de cuestionar los efectos medioambientales de la empresa tiracuetes del magnate.

Esta discusión escaló con la investigación y orden de un fiscal brasileño de bloquear algunas cuentas en X (Twitter), por considerarlas “milicias digitales”. Como comandante en jefe de las milicias digitales, Elon Musk solicitó la renuncia del ministro del Supremo Tribunal Federal de Brasil, Alexandre de Moraes, y volvió a repetir el discurso sobre La libertad―carajo.

No voy a volver sobre los mercenarios que deciden elecciones desde principios de siglo y cuya avanzada en 2010 estuvo en Ucrania, según advirtieron los especialistas antes de la guerra de 2022. Sí, quiero repetir que no hay democracia con una concentración extrema de capitales y sin trasparencia de los medios, por lo cual propusimos comités internacionales de expertos para monitorear algoritmos, etc.

“Soy un absolutista de la libertad de expresión”, repitió Musk. ¿La prueba? En sus redes, un humilde maestro de Angola tiene la misma posibilidad de publicar que él. Nada dice sobre lo más obvio: cada vez que él promociona su ideología mercantilista en X, la red más política del mundo, automáticamente es consumida por millones de personas. Es el mismo concepto de libertad de los esclavistas: por libertad se referían a su libertad, que es la que garantizaba el bienestar universal.

El mismo día, Musk publicó una gráfica donde se ve la caída de audiencia de la Radio Pública Nacional de Estados Unidos, festejando que la única cadena no comercial de Estados Unidos que sobrevive, se esté muriendo, gracias a los recortes de los sucesivos gobiernos.

NPR es la única que todavía tiene programas periodísticos con contenido y de investigación, más allá de que discrepemos con muchos de sus criterios al exponer algunos temas. En sus inicios, y luego de décadas de desarrollo, la mayoría de las estaciones de radio en Estados Unidos eran públicas o estaciones universitarias, no comerciales. A pesar de que la mayoría de la población se oponía, un lobby agresivo logró privatizarlas en los años 30 y luego creó una nueva mayoría a su favor. Clásico.  

Cerremos con una reflexión sintética. El modelo ideológico y cultural de la derecha es el modelo económico en el cual la prosperidad no es un juego de suma cero. La prosperidad de un grupo dominante podría significar una prosperidad menor de otros grupos. La idea es razonable: en una plantación próspera del siglo XVIII o XIX los esclavos eran mejor alimentados que en otra mal administrada o menos cruel. Pero en ambos casos eran esclavos, y la libertad de expresión estaba protegida por la Constitución. Incluso la constitución de la Confederación esclavista incluía la protección de esta libertad, porque era bienvenida siempre y cuando fuese una decoración democrática y no una amenaza real al poder dominante. Cuando los escritos antiesclavistas se convirtieron en una amenaza, los esclavistas le pusieron precio a las cabezas de los escritores y cerraron sus periódicos. Lo mismo hacen los libertarios del siglo XXI. En Estados Unidos llevan prohibiendo más de 4.000 libros incómodos, porque sus ideas comenzaron a ser aceptadas por demasiada gente.

Diferente, en una democracia real no funciona ese modelo, por lo cual las dictaduras han sido los sistemas preferidos del capitalismo, excepto cuando podía controlar las democracias, como fue el caso de imperios vampirescos de Noroccidente.

Una democracia real es un juego de suma cero. Cuanto más poder tiene un grupo, ese poder es en desmedro del poder de los demás. La libertad depende del poder que un grupo o un individuo tienen en una sociedad. Desde la Era Moderna, el poder depende del dinero virtual. Cuanto más dinero, más poder. Cuanto más poder, más libertad propia y menos libertad ajena. De ahí la incomodidad de la igual-libertad, porque ésta exige distribución del poder (político, económico y social).

A la Era Progresista en Estados Unidos siguió una orgía privatizadora y cleptocrática de los millonarios en los 20, la que terminó con la Gran Depresión y el fascismo en Europa. Luego otra ola de izquierda socialdemócrata para salir del caos, desde el F. D. Roosevelt de la preguerra, los Estados de bienestar en la Europa de posguerra y la rebelión de los marginados y colonizados del mundo en los 50. Hasta que se logró detener los peligrosos años 60 e imponer la dictadura de “la libertad conservadora” de los años 80. La libertad del esclavista, del dueño de los medios y de los fines que vivimos hoy.

Pero, cuidado. Todo eso también tiene fecha de vencimiento. El fin de la cleptocracia de los Jeff Bezos, Elon Musk y BlackRock tiene los días contados. Si es por las buenas mejor. Si no, será por las malas, como nos enseña la historia que los profetas del poder se encargan siempre de negar.

Jorge Majfud, abril 2024.

https://www.pagina12.com.ar/738909-elon-musk-y-la-dictadura-de-la-libertad-feudal

The Slow Suicide of the West

«What is at stake today is not only protecting the West against the terrorists, home-grown and foreign, but—and perhaps above all—protecting the West from itself. The reproduction of any one of its most monstrous events would be enough to lose everything that has been attained to date with respect to Human Rights.  Beginning with respect for diversity.  And it is highly probable that such a thing could occur in the next ten years if we do not react in time.» (Feb. 2003)

 

 

 

Re-published on Sunday, September 08, 2019
Originally published in Spanish by La Republica, February 2002. and in English by Montly Review, NY. 
 

The Slow Suicide of the West

What is more Western than democracy and concentration camps?

The struggle is not—nor should it be—between Easterners and Westerners; the struggle is between tolerance and imposition, between diversity and homogenization, between respect for the other and scorn and his annihilation.

The struggle is not—nor should it be—between Easterners and Westerners; the struggle is between tolerance and imposition, between diversity and homogenization, between respect for the other and scorn and his annihilation. (Photo: Ansel Adams/Department of the Interior/Flickr)

 

 

The West appears, suddenly, devoid of its greatest virtues, constructed century after century, preoccupied now only with reproducing its own defects and with copying the defects of others, such as authoritarianism and the preemptive persecution of innocents.  Virtues like tolerance and self-criticism have never been a weakness, as some now pretend, but quite the opposite: it was because of them that progress, both ethical and material, were possible.  Both the greatest hope and the greatest danger for the West can be found in its own heart.  Those of us who hold neither «Rage» nor «Pride» for any race or culture feel nostalgia for times gone by, times that were never especially good, but were not so bad either.

Currently, some celebrities from back in the 20th century, demonstrating an irreversible decline into senility, have taken to propagating the famous ideology of the «clash of civilizations»—which was already plenty vulgar all by itself—basing their reasoning on their own conclusions, in the best style of classical theology.  Such is the a priori and 19th century assertion that «Western culture is superior to all others.»  And, if that were not enough, that it is a moral obligation to repeat it.
From this perspective of Western Superiority, the very famous Italian journalist Oriana Fallacia wrote, recently, brilliant observations such as the following:  «If in some countries the women are so stupid as to accept the chador and even the veil, so much the worse for them. (…) And if their husbands are so idiotic as to not drink wine or beer, idem.»  Wow, that is what I call intellectual rigor.  «How disgusting!»—she continued writing, first in the Corriere della Sera and later in her best seller The Rage and the Pride (Rizzoli International, 2002), refering to the Africans who had urinated in a plaza in Italy—»They piss for a long time these sons of Allah!  A race of hypocrits.» «Even if they were absolutely innocent, even if there were not one among them who wished to destroy the Tower of Pisa or the Tower of Giotto, nobody who wished to make me wear the chador, nobody who wished to burn me on the bonfires of a new Inquisition, their presence alarms me.  It makes me uneasy.»  Summing up: even if these blacks were completely innocent, their presence makes her uneasy anyway.  For Fallaci, this is not racism, it is «cold, lucid, rational rage.»  And, if that were not enough, she offers another ingenious observation with reference to immigrants in general:  «And besides, there is something else I don’t understand.  If they are really so poor, who gives them the money for the trip on the planes or boats that bring them to Italy?  Might Osama bin Laden be paying their way, at least in part?» …Poor Galileo, poor Camus, poor Simone de Beauvoir, poor Michel Foucault.

Incidentally, we should remember that, even though the lady writes without understanding—she said it herself—these words ended up in a book that has sold a half million copies, a book with no shortage of reasoning and common sense, as when she asserts «I am an atheist, thank God.»  Nor does it lack in historical curiosities like the following: «How does one accept polygamy and the principle that women should not allow photographs to be taken of them?  Because this is also in the Q’uran,» which means that in the 7th century Arabs were extremely advanced in the area of optics.  Nor is the book lacking in repeated doses of humor, as with these weighty arguments:  «And, besides, let’s admit it: our cathedrals are more beautiful than the mosques and sinagogues, yes or no?  Protestant churches are also more beautiful.»  As Atilio says, she has the Shine of Brigitte Bardot.  As if what we really needed was to get wrapped up in a discussion of which is more beautiful, the Tower of Pisa or the Taj Mahal.  And once again that European tolerance:  «I am telling you that, precisely because it has been well defined for centuries, our cultural identity cannot support a wave of immigration composed of people who, in one form or another, want to change our way of life.  Our values.  I am telling you that among us there is no room for muezzins, for minarets, for false abstinence, for their screwed up medieval ways, for their damned chador.  And if there were, I would not give it to them.»  And finally, concluding with a warning to her editor: «I warn you: do not ask me for anything else ever again.  Least of all that I participate in vain polemics.  What I needed to say I have said.  My rage and pride have demanded it of me.»  Something which had already been clear to us from the beginning and, as it happens, denies us one of the basic elements of both democracy and tolerance, dating to ancient Greece: polemics and the right to respond—the competition of arguments instead of insults.
But I do not possess a name as famous as Fallaci—a fame well-deserved, we have no reason to doubt—and so I cannot settle for insults.  Since I am native to an under-developed country and am not even as famous as Maradona, I have no other choice than to take recourse to the ancient custom of using arguments.

Let’s see.  The very expression «Western culture» is just as mistaken as the terms «Eastern culture» or «Islamic culture,» because each one of them is made up of a diverse and often contradictory collection of other «cultures.»  One need only think of the fact that within «Western culture» one can fit not only countries as different as the United States and Cuba, but also irreconcilable historical periods within the same geographic region, such as tiny Europe and the even tinier Germany, where Goethe and Adolf Hitler, Bach and the skin-heads, have all walked the earth.  On the other hand, let’s not forget also that Hitler and the Ku Klux Klan (in the name of Christ and the White Race), Stalin (in the name of Reason and atheism), Pinochet (in the name of Democracy and Liberty), and Mussolini (in his own name), were typical recent products and representatives of the self-proclaimed «Western culture.»  What is more Western than democracy and concentration camps?  What could be more Western that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the dictatorships in Spain and Latin America, bloody and degenerate beyond the imagination?  What is more Western than Christianity, which cured, saved and assassinated thanks to the Holy Office?  What is more Western than the modern military academies or the ancient monasteries where the art of torture was taught, with the most refined sadism, and by the initiative of Pope Innocent IV and based on Roman Law?  Or did Marco Polo bring all of that back from the Middle East?  What could be more Western than the atomic bomb and the millions of dead and disappeared under the fascist, communist and, even, «democratic» regimes?  What more Western than the military invasions and suppression of entire peoples under the so-called «preemptive bombings»?

All of this is the dark side of the West and there is no guarantee that we have escaped any of it, simply because we haven’t been able to communicate with our neighbors, who have been there for more than 1400 years, with the only difference that now the world has been globalized (the West has globalized it) and the neighbors possess the main source of energy that moves the world’s economy—at least for the moment— in addition to the same hatred and the same rencor as Oriana Fallaci.  Let’s not forget that the Spanish Inquisition, more of a state-run affair than the others, originated from a hostility to the moors and jews and did not end with the Progress and Salvation of Spain but with the burning of thousands of human beings.
Nevertheless, the West also represents Democracy, Freedom, Human Rights and the struggle for women’s rights.  At least the effort to attain them, and the most that humanity has achieved so far.  And what has always been the basis of those four pillars, if not tolerance?

Fallaci would have us believe that «Western culture» is a unique and pure product,  without the Other’s participation.  But if anything characterizes the West, it has been precisely the opposite: we are the result of countless cultures, beginning with the Hebrew culture (to say nothing of Amenophis IV) and continuing through almost all the rest: through the Caldeans, the Greeks, the Chinese, the Hindus, the southern Africans, the northern Africans and the rest of the cultures that today are uniformly described as «Islamic.»  Until recently, it would not have been necessary to remember that, while in Europe—in all of Europe—the Christian Church, in the name of Love, was persecuting, torturing and burning alive those who disagreed with the ecclesiastical authorities or committed the sin of engaging in some kind of research (or simply because they were single women, which is to say, witches), in the Islamic world the arts and sciences were being promoted, and not only those of the Islamic region but of the Chinese, Hindus, Jews and Greeks.  And nor does this mean that butterflies flew and violins played everywhere. Between Baghdad and Córdoba the geographical distance was, at the time, almost astronomical.

But Oriana Fallacia not only denies the diverse and contradictory compositioon of any of the cultures in conflict, but also, in fact, refuses to acknowledge the Eastern counterpart as a culture at all.  «It bothers me even to speak of two cultures,» she writes.  And then she dispatches the matter with an incredible display of historical ignorance: «Placing them on the same level, as if they were parallel realities, of equal weight and equal measure.  Because behind our civilization are Homer, Socrates, Plato, Aristotle and Phidias, among many others.  There is ancient Greece with its Parthenon and its discovery of Democracy.  There is ancient Rome with its grandeur, its laws and its conception of the Law.  With its sculpture, its literature and its architecture.  Its palaces and its amphitheaters, its aqueducts, its bridges and its roads.»

Is it really necessary to remind Fallaci that among all of that and all of us one finds the ancient Islamic Empire, without which everything would have burned—I am talking about the books and the people, not the Colliseum—thanks to centuries of ecclesiastical terrorism, quite European and quite Western?  And with regard to the grandeur of Rome and «its conception of the Law» we will talk another day, because here there is indeed some black and white worth remembering.  Let’s also set aside for the moment Islamic literature and architecture, which have nothing to envy in Fallaci’s Rome, as any half-way educated person knows.

Let’s see, and lastly?  «Lastly—writes Fallaci—there is science.  A science that has discovered many illnesses and cures them.  I am alive today, for the time being, thanks to our science, not Mohammed’s. A science that has changed the face of this planet with electricity, the radio, the telephone, the television… Well then, let us ask now the fatal question: and behind the other culture, what is there?»

The fatal answer:  behind our science one finds the Egyptians, the Caldeans, the Hindus, the Greeks, the Chinese, the Arabs, the Jews and the Africans.  Or does Fallaci believe that everything arose through spontaneous generation in the last fifty years?  She needs to be reminded that Pythagoras took his philosophy from Egypt and Caldea (Iraq)—including his famous mathemetical formula, which we use not only in architecture but also in the proof of Einstein’s Special Theory of Relativity—as did that other wise man and mathematician Thales.  Both of them travelled through the Middle East with their minds more open than Fallaci’s when she made the trip.  The hypothetical-deductive method—the basis for scientific epistemology—originated among Egyptian priests (start with Klimovsky, please), zero and the extraction of square roots, as well as innumerable mathematical and astronomical discoveries, which we teach today in grade school, were born in India and Iraq; the alphabet was invented by the Phoenicians (ancient Lebanese), who were also responsible for the first form of globalization known to the world.

 

The zero was not an invention of the Arabs, but of the Hindus, but it was the former who brought it to the West.  By contrast, the advanced Roman Empire not only was unfamaliar with zero—without which it would be impossible to imagine modern mathematics and space travel—but in fact possessed an unwieldy systemof counting and calculation that endured until the late Middle Ages. Through to the early Renaissance there were still businessmen who used the Roman system, refusing to exchange it for Arabic numerals, due to racial and religious prejudices, resulting in all kinds of mathematical erros and social disputes.

Meanwhile, perhaps it is better to not even mention that the birth of the Modern Era began with European cultural contact—after long centuries of religious repression—first with Islamic culture and then with Greek culture.  Or did anyone think that the rationalism of the Scholastics was a consequence of the practice of torture in the holy dungeons?  In the early 12th century, the Englishman Adelard of Bath undertook an extensive voyage of study through the south of Europe, Syria and Palestine.  Upon returning from his trip, Adelard introduced into under-developed England a paradigm that even today is upheld by famous scientists like Stephen Hawking: God had created Nature in such a way that it could be studied and explained without His intervention.  (Behold the other pillar of the sciences, rejected historically by the Roman Church.)  Indeed, Adelard reproached the thinkers of his time for having allowed themselves to be enthralled by the prestige of the authorities—beginning with Aristotle, clearly.  Because of them he made use of the slogan «reason against authority,» and insisted he be called «modernus.»  «I have learned from my Arab teachers to take reason as a guide—he wrote—but you only adhere to what authority says.»  A compatriot of Fallaci, Gerardo de Cremona, introduced to Europe the writings of the «Iraqi» astronomer and mathematician Al-Jwarizmi, inventor of algebra, of algorithms, of Arabic and decimal calculus; translated Ptolemy from the Arabic—since even the astronomical theory of an official Greek like Ptolemy could not be found in Christian Europe—as well as dozens of medical treatises, like those of Ibn Sina and Irani al-Razi, author of the first scientific treatise on smallpox and measles, for which today he might have been the object of some kind of persecution.

We could continue listing examples such as these, which the Italian journalist ignores, but that would require an entire book and is not the most important thing at the moment.

What is at stake today is not only protecting the West against the terrorists, home-grown and foreign, but—and perhaps above all—protecting the West from itself. The reproduction of any one of its most monstrous events would be enough to lose everything that has been attained to date with respect to Human Rights.  Beginning with respect for diversity.  And it is highly probable that such a thing could occur in the next ten years, if we do not react in time.

The seed is there and it only requires a little water.  I have heard dozens of times the following expression: «the only good thing that Hitler did was kill all those Jews.»  Nothing more and nothing less.  And I have not heard it from the mouth of any Muslim—perhaps because I live in a country where they practically do not exist—nor even from anyone of Arab descent.  I have heard it from neutral creoles and from people of European descent.  Each time I hear it I need only respond in the following manner in order to silence my interlocutor:  «What is your last name?  Gutiérrez, Pauletti, Wilson, Marceau… Then, sir, you are not German, much less a pure Aryan.  Which means that long before Hitler would have finished off the Jews he would have started by killing your grandparents and everyone else with a profile and skin color like yours.»  We run the same risk today: if we set about persecuting Arabs or Muslims we will not only be proving that we have learned nothing, but we will also wind up persecuting those like them: Bedouins, North Africans, Gypsies, Southern Spaniards, Spanish Jews, Latin American Jews, Central Americans, Southern Mexicans, Northern Mormons, Hawaiians, Chinese, Hindus, and so on.

Not long ago another Italian, Umberto Eco, summed up a sage piece of advice thusly: «We are a plural civilization because we permit mosques to be built in our countries, and we cannot renounce them simply because in Kabul they throw Christian propagandists in jail (…)  We believe that our culture is mature because it knows how to tolerate diversity, and members of our culture who don’t tolerate it are barbarians.»

As Freud and Jung used to say, that act which nobody would desire to commit is never the object of a prohibition; and as Boudrillard said, rights are established when they have been lost.  The Islamic terrorists have achieved what they wanted, twice over. The West appears, suddenly, devoid of its greatest virtues, constructed century after century, preoccupied now only with reproducing its own defects and with copying the defects of others, such as authoritarianism and the preemptive persecution of innocents.  So much time imposing its culture on the other regions of the planet, to allow itself now to impose a morality that in its better moments was not even its own.  Virtues like tolerance and self-criticism never  represented its weakness, as some would now have it, but quite the opposite: only because of them was any kind of progress possible, whether ethical or material.  Democracy and Science never developed out of the narcissistic reverence for its own culture but from critical opposition within it.  And in this enterprise were engaged, until recently, not only the «damned intellectuals» but many activist and social resistance groups, like the bourgeoisie in the 18th century, the unions in the 20th century, investigative journalism until a short time ago, now replaced by propaganda in these miserable times of ours.  Even the rapid destruction of privacy is another symptom of that moral colonization.  Only instead of religious control we will be controlled by Military Security.  The Big Brother who hears all and sees all will end up forcing upon us masks similar to those we see in the East, with the sole objective of not being recognized when we walk down the street or when we make love.

The struggle is not—nor should it be—between Easterners and Westerners; the struggle is between tolerance and imposition, between diversity and homogenization, between respect for the other and scorn and his annihilation.  Writings like Fallaci’s The Rage and the Pride are not a defense of Western culture but a cunning attack, an insulting broadside against the best of what Western culture has to offer.  Proof of this is that it would be sufficient to swap the word Eastern for Western, and a geographical locale or two, in order to recognize the position of a Taliban fanatic.  Those of us who have neither Rage nor Pride for any particular race or culture are nostalgic for times gone by, which were never especially good or especially bad.
A few years ago I was in the United States and I saw there a beautiful mural in the United Nations building in New York, if I remember correctly,  where men and women from distinct races and religions were visually represented—I think the composition was based on a somewhat arbitrary pyramid, but that is neither here nor there.  Below, with gilded letters, one could read a commandment taught by Confucius in China and repeated for millenia by men and women throughout the East, until it came to constitute a Western principle: «Do unto others as you would have them do unto you.»  In English it sounds musical, and even those who do not know the language sense that it refers to a certain reciprocity between oneself and others.  I do not understand why we should scratch that commandment from our walls—founding principle for any democracy and for the rule of law, founding principle for the best dreams of the West—simply because others have suddenly forgotten it.  Or they have exchanged it for an ancient biblical principle that Christ took it upon himself to abolish: «an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.»  Which at present translates as an inversion of the Confucian maxim, something like: do unto others everything that they have done to you—the well-known, endless story.

First translated in 2007 by Bruce Campbell, Associate Professor of Hispanic Studies at St. John’s University in Collegeville, Minnesota

 

 

Posdata a «Sacrificios humanos y la política de la crueldad» 6 marzo, 2025

Postscript to “Human Sacrifices and the Politics of Cruelty”

On February 28, 2025, the same day we published “Human sacrifices and the politics of cruelty” in Argentina’s Página12, Elon Musk literally repeated one of the conceptual centers of the article (the psychopathic nature of successful billionaires and kidnappers of governments and pseudo-democracies):

“The greatest weakness of the West is its empathy”:

My Pagina12 text recalled:

“We are surprised to see how a president, a prime minister, a senator or a successful businessman, with a seductive conviction, make decisions that will lead to the pain of millions of people. They usually excuse themselves with something abstract and arbitrary like efficiency and resort to reversing the meaning of values ​​and emotions that have been defined for thousands of years in a simple and understandable way, such as compassion and solidarity.

A contemporary example is the numerous leaders that the capitalist system has elevated for their high functionality. The writer Ann Ryan was at the forefront of the reaction against the post-war consensus that defeated the sadism of fascism in the West. In 2024, President Milei of Argentina said in Washington that “social justice is violent.” An outburst encapsulated 60 years ago in pills for consumption against any form of social sensitivity, such as Ryan Ann’s: “evil is compassion, not selfishness…”